Governing and leading through complexity

How Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi is reshaping South Africa’s response to migration through constitutional leadership

Few issues test the capacity of modern governments more profoundly than migration. Across the world, it has become one of the defining governance challenges of the twenty-first century, sitting at the intersection of national security, constitutional rights, economic development, diplomacy and social cohesion. Governments are increasingly discovering that migration is no longer simply an immigration issue as it has become a measure of state capability and institutional resilience.

South Africa confronts this challenge in circumstances that are uniquely its own. As the continent’s most industrialised economy, it continues to attract people seeking employment, education, investment opportunities and refuge. At the same time, persistent unemployment, organised criminal syndicates, pressure on public services and growing concern over irregular migration have transformed migration from an administrative responsibility into one of the country’s most politically sensitive governance issues. The debate now extends far beyond who enters the country and has become a test of the state’s ability to regulate movement, enforce legislation, protect vulnerable people and preserve confidence in democratic institutions.

It is within this environment that Mmamoloko Kubayi, Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, has assumed one of the most demanding responsibilities in government. As Chairperson of the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration (IMC), she has been entrusted with coordinating government’s response to an issue that cuts across virtually every sphere of public administration. It is a responsibility that demands far more than oversight of immigration policy. It requires bringing together institutions with different mandates, aligning multiple ministers behind shared objectives and ensuring that every intervention remains firmly anchored in the Constitution and the rule of law.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s decision to establish the IMC in June 2026 reflected a recognition that migration could no longer be approached through fragmented departmental interventions. Home Affairs alone could not resolve challenges involving policing, border security, labour markets, municipal governance, diplomacy or justice. Instead, government required a single coordinating structure capable of translating separate mandates into a coherent national response. Kubayi was appointed to chair that structure, placing her at the centre of one of the most closely scrutinised policy debates confronting the democratic state.

Kubayi’s appointment reflects confidence in a leadership style defined by coordination, disciplined implementation and consensus building. Chairing the Inter-Ministerial Committee demands more than legal expertise. It requires the ability to align departments with different mandates, priorities and operational cultures behind a common national strategy. Whether in energy, human settlements or justice, Kubayi’s approach has consistently favoured method over spectacle, systems over slogans and implementation over headlines. Those qualities have become increasingly significant in a policy environment where public expectations often exceed the pace at which lasting reform can realistically be achieved. They also position her to lead one of government’s most ambitious governance reforms through a clear and coordinated national strategy.

At the heart of that strategy is the Five-Point Plan on Migration, the framework through which government is reshaping South Africa’s approach to migration governance. Rather than treating migration as a collection of isolated challenges, the plan is built around five interconnected priorities: strengthening law enforcement, securing South Africa’s borders, deepening regional cooperation, closing legislative and policy gaps, and modernising the administrative systems that support implementation.

Together, these five pillars represent more than a migration strategy. They reflect government’s broader effort to strengthen the capability of the democratic state.

The need for such a strategy reflects the complexity of migration itself. It dominates news cycles, fuels political debate and is amplified daily across social media. It evokes legitimate concerns about crime, unemployment, border security and service delivery while simultaneously raising difficult constitutional and humanitarian questions. In such an environment, leadership is measured not by the loudness of political rhetoric but by the ability to navigate competing realities without compromising public confidence in government. That is the approach Kubayi has sought to bring to the work of the Inter-Ministerial Committee. Those who have worked alongside her often describe her leadership as deliberate rather than theatrical. She has rarely sought to dominate public debate through sweeping political statements, preferring instead to build credibility through evidence, coordination and disciplined implementation.

That philosophy has shaped the committee’s work from the outset. Rather than allowing migration to become a debate driven by emotion or ideology, the IMC has consistently reframed it as a question of governance. Effective migration management depends less on isolated interventions than on coordinated institutions working towards common objectives through legislation, law enforcement, secure borders, regional partnerships and capable administrative systems.

The first pillar of the Five-Point Plan begins with upholding the rule of law, a principle that underpins Kubayi’s approach to migration governance. According to her, effective migration management depends on the consistent and impartial application of legislation. Throughout the committee’s public engagements, she has emphasised that enforcement is directed at unlawful conduct, not nationality. Integrated operations have focused on document fraud, organised criminal syndicates, labour exploitation, human trafficking and unlawful border crossings. Central to the committee’s approach is a clear distinction: migration enforcement is not about identity, it is about legality.

That commitment has been reinforced through transparency, with Kubayi consistently placing operational information in the public domain. Joint law enforcement operations resulted in 354 arrests and prosecutions linked to migration-related offences, while South Africa’s dedicated immigration courts finalised 28 736 immigration-related cases between April and the end of June 2026. By placing verified information before the public, the committee has sought to replace rhetoric with evidence and strengthen confidence that migration management is being implemented through lawful and accountable processes.

The first pillar, however, extends beyond enforcement alone and for Kubayi, the rule of law and human dignity are complementary responsibilities of a constitutional state. The Musina Temporary Repatriation Processing Centre reflects that balance, processing 68 138 foreign nationals between 14 June and 24 July, while the Border Management Authority recorded 72 906 repatriations across South Africa’s ports of entry during the same period. Beyond its operational role, the centre coordinated humanitarian support through partnerships between government, municipalities, international organisations, faith-based institutions and civil society. That balance between lawful enforcement and constitutional responsibility leads naturally to the second pillar of the Five-Point Plan, which shifts the focus to strengthening South Africa’s border management systems.

The second pillar advances the focus from enforcement to border security. Across the world, border management has evolved beyond fences and passport control into a measure of state capability, requiring intelligence-led policing, modern surveillance and coordinated administration. Kubayi has consistently framed secure borders as an investment in state capability rather than a security intervention alone, reflecting her conviction that effective migration governance depends on strong institutions rather than isolated enforcement measures. Since April 2026, 93 joint borderline operations have targeted illicit goods, human trafficking and drug syndicates, while work continues to modernise ports of entry and strengthen border infrastructure. Her approach recognises that the effectiveness of a border is measured not only by its physical defences but by the ability of intelligence, law enforcement and administrative systems to operate as a single, coordinated whole.

The third pillar of the plan recognises that migration cannot be managed by South Africa acting alone. Long before an individual reaches the country’s borders, the economic, political and social forces driving migration are already unfolding elsewhere on the continent. Kubayi has therefore consistently argued that effective migration governance depends as much on regional cooperation as it does on domestic capability.

Under her leadership, the committee has strengthened engagement with neighbouring countries, the Southern African Development Community, diplomatic missions and the African Union to improve cooperation on documentation, information sharing and voluntary repatriation. Instead of treating migration solely as a domestic enforcement issue, she has positioned diplomacy as the first instrument of engagement, supporting calls for migration to feature more prominently on the African Union agenda and arguing that the continent requires a coordinated response to the economic, governance and developmental factors driving irregular migration.

That approach also reflects Kubayi’s belief that effective migration management is entirely compatible with South Africa’s commitment to Pan-African solidarity. Drawing on the country’s own liberation history, she has unswervingly rejected the false choice between protecting national sovereignty and maintaining regional cooperation, arguing that secure borders and strong continental partnerships are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually exclusive. While regional cooperation addresses migration beyond South Africa’s borders, the fourth pillar of the Five-Point Plan turns attention to the country’s own legislative framework. Migration patterns have changed significantly over the past decade, driven by technological advances, increased labour mobility and increasingly sophisticated criminal networks. Legislation must evolve accordingly if government is to respond effectively to contemporary realities.

The fourth pillar draws directly on Kubayi’s responsibilities as Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development. Recognising that effective migration governance depends on legislation that keeps pace with evolving realities, the committee has identified reforms relating to immigration, citizenship, refugee protection, employment services and business licensing. The objective is not to restrict lawful migration, but to close legislative gaps, strengthen enforcement, improve coordination across government and provide greater certainty for citizens, businesses and lawful migrants alike.

The fifth and final pillar focuses on strengthening the administrative systems that determine whether policy can be translated into practice. Efficient visa administration, credible identity management, reliable documentation and integrated information systems seldom dominate public debate, yet they underpin the effectiveness of migration governance and the credibility of the state itself.

For Kubayi, this is where policy moves from intention to implementation. Strengthening immigration processing, improving documentation systems and modernising administrative procedures are therefore central to the committee’s work, reducing opportunities for fraud, improving service delivery and reinforcing public confidence in South Africa’s migration system. More broadly, it reflects her conviction that sustainable reform depends not only on sound legislation or effective law enforcement, but on a capable public administration that can implement policy consistently and efficiently.

Beyond the operational demands of the Five-Point Plan, Kubayi has found herself confronting another challenge: protecting the integrity of public discourse. Migration has become fertile ground for misinformation, manipulated content and inflammatory rhetoric that can quickly translate into real-world tension. In response, the committee adopted a legal and evidence-based approach, reminding the public that misinformation, hate speech, incitement to violence and online intimidation carry legal consequences under South African law. Throughout its communications, it has maintained that migration must be managed through evidence, lawful processes and responsible public engagement, not speculation or fear.

The Inter-Ministerial Committee has become the clearest expression of Kubayi’s approach to public leadership. Entrusted with one of government’s most politically sensitive responsibilities, she has navigated competing political, legal and humanitarian imperatives with measured judgement, ensuring that the rule of law remains the foundation of government’s response while balancing the demands of security, diplomacy and constitutional governance.

Taken together, the Five-Point Plan represents far more than a migration strategy. It demonstrates that complex governance challenges cannot be resolved by individual departments acting alone, but through coordinated leadership that brings institutions, legislation, diplomacy and law enforcement behind a common national purpose. It also reflects a broader understanding that migration is not simply about regulating movement across borders. It is about preserving public confidence, protecting constitutional democracy and ensuring that the state remains capable of responding to one of the defining governance challenges of our time.

The true measure of its success will not be determined solely by arrests, repatriations or legislative reform. It will be whether South Africa emerges with greater public confidence, stronger institutions and a migration system that protects national sovereignty while remaining faithful to the values of the Constitution. Achieving that balance has required political judgement, legal discipline and a willingness to confront one of the country’s most contested policy debates without surrendering to populism, misinformation or political expediency.

Perhaps that is the defining lesson of Kubayi’s leadership. Throughout her ministerial career, from Energy and Human Settlements to Justice and Constitutional Development, she has repeatedly been entrusted with portfolios that demand calm judgement, institutional discipline and the ability to navigate competing interests. Chairing the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration has brought those qualities into even sharper focus.

Faced with an issue that affects livelihoods, national security, diplomacy and constitutional rights, she has sought to demonstrate that effective leadership lies not in amplifying division, but in building consensus, protecting the rule of law and ensuring that government responds with both firmness and fairness. It is an approach that has reinforced South Africa’s constitutional values while strengthening engagement with regional partners and advancing a more coordinated response to migration across the continent.

As South Africa continues to navigate one of its most complex governance challenges, Kubayi’s stewardship of the Inter-Ministerial Committee offers an important lesson in democratic leadership. Faced with competing political pressures, constitutional obligations and regional expectations, she has demonstrated that the most enduring reforms are achieved not through momentary political victories, but through principled leadership, capable institutions and an unwavering commitment to the public interest.

South Africa is not Africa’s enemy– it is one of Africa’s greatest partners

Recent statements and media narratives emerging from parts of West Africa, particularly in relation to concerns raised in sections of Nigeria and Ghana, have portrayed South Africa as a country increasingly defined by xenophobia or “Afrophobia”. These claims, based as they are, in the context of isolated incidents of violence and heightened migration tensions, fail to reflect the broader reality of South Africa’s relationship with the rest of the continent.

South Africa cannot accept the unfair characterisation of an entire nation and its people as hostile to fellow Africans. Such a narrative ignores decades of solidarity, investment, peacebuilding, humanitarian assistance and economic integration that South Africa has championed across Africa. It also overlooks the fact that South Africa remains one of the continent’s largest destinations for African migrants, entrepreneurs, students, investors and professionals.

Therefore, media and public commentary narratives that routinely label South Africa as xenophobic without sufficient context, while often overlooking the country’s efforts to maintain lawful migration, social cohesion and humanitarian support, are deeply concerning. The continent and the world at large deserve more balanced reporting and commentary that recognises both migration pressures and South Africa’s commitment to African solidarity.

A history built on African solidarity

The freedom enjoyed by South Africans today was not won by South Africa and its liberation movement alone. During the struggle against apartheid, many countries across the continent provided sanctuary, training facilities, diplomatic support and financial assistance to the liberation movement.

Since 1994, South Africa’s foreign policy has been guided by the principles of Ubuntu, Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance. These principles have informed its efforts to contribute to peace, stability, democratic governance and economic development throughout Africa.

Through the African Renaissance and International Cooperation Fund (ARF), South Africa has supported initiatives aimed at promoting democracy, conflict resolution, humanitarian assistance, socio-economic development and capacity-building across African states. The ARF’s mandate explicitly includes supporting conflict prevention, socio-economic development, humanitarian assistance and cooperation among African countries.

South Africa’s record in peacekeeping and conflict resolution

Few African countries have invested as significantly in African peace and security as South Africa.

Since 1999, South Africa has participated in peacekeeping and peace support missions in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, South Sudan, Comoros, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia and the Central African Republic. South Africa has deployed military personnel, mediators, election observers and reconstruction experts to help stabilise countries emerging from conflict.

South African soldiers have served under both African Union and United Nations mandates, often at significant cost and sacrifice. South African peacekeepers have lost their lives in missions aimed at protecting African civilians and preserving regional stability. South Africa’s participation in peace missions has consistently been framed as part of its commitment to African peace, security and development.

South Africa also played pivotal mediation roles in Burundi, South Sudan, Lesotho, Zimbabwe and the DRC, helping to facilitate peace agreements, constitutional processes and democratic transitions.

South Africa’s economic footprint across Africa

Any fair assessment of South Africa’s role on the continent must consider its enormous contribution to African economic development. South African businesses are among the largest investors in Africa. Companies such as MTN, MultiChoice, Standard Bank, Shoprite, Pick n Pay, Absa, Sanlam, Old Mutual, Vodacom and others operate across dozens of African countries, creating hundreds of thousands of jobs and contributing billions of dollars to local economies through taxes, infrastructure development and skills transfer.

Nigeria itself hosts one of the largest South African investment footprints on the continent. MTN Nigeria alone has connected millions of people to telecommunications services while employing thousands of Nigerians directly and indirectly. Similar investments exist in Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, Zambia, Tanzania, Mozambique and several other countries.

South African banks have expanded financial inclusion across the continent. Retail chains have established supply chains that support local farmers, manufacturers and small businesses. South African mining, telecommunications, energy and financial-services firms have become major contributors to economic growth in many African economies. The reality is simple: South Africa’s prosperity is deeply intertwined with Africa’s prosperity.

A country that continues to welcome Africa

Despite recent migration-related tensions, South Africa continues to host millions of foreign nationals, including migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, students, professionals and entrepreneurs from across Africa.

The government has repeatedly emphasised that foreign nationals who enter and reside in South Africa lawfully are welcome and contribute positively to the country’s social and economic development. Efforts to strengthen immigration management are aimed at enforcing the law and protecting the integrity of the immigration system – not targeting Africans.

Like every sovereign nation, South Africa has the right and responsibility to manage its borders, regulate migration and address irregular migration. These functions are not evidence of xenophobia. They are standard responsibilities of a democratic state.

Rejecting division, choosing partnership

The choice facing Africa today is clear. We can allow misinformation, stereotypes and political opportunism to divide Africans from one another. Or we can recommit ourselves to the ideals of African unity that inspired the founders of the Organisation of African Unity and later the African Union. The South Africa that has invested in African economies, mediated peace agreements, deployed peacekeepers, funded development initiatives, trained officials, supported democratic transitions and opened its economy to African businesses is not an Afrophobic nation.

South Africa’s future lies in Africa. Its prosperity lies in Africa. Its destiny lies in Africa. Rather than trading accusations across borders, African nations should deepen cooperation on migration management, economic development, regional integration and social cohesion. The continent’s challenges require solidarity, not division; partnership, not prejudice.

The story of South Africa in Africa is not one of hostility. It is a story of sacrifice, partnership, investment and an enduring commitment to a better Africa for all.

Busi Radebe
GM for Media at Frank Dialogue Holdings

Stewardship, trust and the future of Citadel

For Sajeel Maharaj, stepping into the role of CEO of Citadel is not about changing the identity of one of South Africa’s most respected independent wealth management businesses. He views it as a responsibility to protect what has made the company successful while, at the same time, positioning it for its next phase of growth, innovation and long-term client value creation.

Sajeel Maharaj describes his appointment as CEO of Citadel as “a mixture of gratitude, excitement and responsibility”. Gratitude because he sees it as a privilege to lead a business such as Citadel; excitement because of the opportunities ahead; and responsibility because leadership is, in his view, ultimately about serving others.

“You don’t measure a leader by the number of followers he has but by the number of leaders he leaves behind,” says Maharaj. “That was true of my predecessor, and it will be true of my tenure.”

Maharaj is not arriving as an outsider. He joined Citadel in 2018 and has spent the past seven years as COO working across different parts of the business and gaining a close understanding of its people, systems, culture and client promises. His background in investment banking, corporate finance and mergers and acquisitions across London, New York and Johannesburg has provided him with a strong commercial foundation, but Citadel offered something different: the chance to build a business that has a direct impact on clients’ lives.

“I’m fortunate that this isn’t a new business to me,” he says. “Having spent the past eight years here I’ve seen first-hand the calibre of our people and the values that have made Citadel successful. My job now isn’t to change who we are, it’s to help shape us into an even better version of ourselves.”

Culture as competitive advantage

The lessons Maharaj takes into the CEO role are clear. The first is that culture is a competitive advantage. Products change, markets move and strategies can be replicated, but a culture built on trust, integrity and genuine care for clients is difficult to copy.

The second is stewardship. For Maharaj, leadership is not ownership in the narrow sense. It is the responsibility of holding something valuable for a period of time and leaving it stronger for the next generation. The third lesson is that success is always collective.

“Every achievement I’ve been part of has come from talented people working together around a shared purpose,” he says. “One of the greatest privileges of this role is that I get to create the conditions where our people can thrive.”

That philosophy matters in a business such as Citadel, where client relationships, advice and trust sit at the centre of the value proposition. Maharaj believes culture is not a soft issue or a slogan for internal communication. It is the operating system of the organisation.

“Strategy can be designed in a boardroom, but culture determines whether it is delivered in reality,” he says. “In a business like Citadel where trust, advice and relationships are central, culture is not a soft concept. It is a hard driver of performance and client outcomes.”

His approach to strengthening that culture rests on clarity of purpose, leadership by example, accountability and careful hiring and development. He believes that every person in the organisation must understand not only what Citadel does but also the reasons behind its actions and decisions. Leaders must also be deliberate about the behaviours they reward, tolerate and reject.

“A strong culture is not a comfortable culture–it is a clear one,” adds Maharaj. “We will continue to raise expectations around professionalism, client engagement and internal execution.”

Growth with purpose

Citadel’s strategic direction under Maharaj will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. He highlights the fact that the company’s “why” has not changed in the 33 years since its founding, and that “why” remains to be a client’s most trusted partner in building and protecting wealth.

“We are building South Africa’s most trusted and admired independent wealth management business, one that creates lasting value for clients, opportunities for our people and sustainable returns for shareholders,” he says. “Every strategic decision we make should move us closer to that ambition.”

The priorities he identifies are client centricity, sustainable growth, investment in people and culture, thoughtful use of technology and building a business that endures. Growth, in his view, is not about scale for its own sake. Rather, it is about deepening impact.

“We don’t grow simply to become bigger,” he adds. “We grow so we can have a greater impact for more clients, create more opportunities for our people and leave the business stronger for the next generation.”

Technology is another major priority, but Maharaj is careful to frame it as an enabler rather than a replacement for human advice. Artificial intelligence, digitisation, data analytics and digital platforms are changing financial services, but in wealth management the human relationship remains central.

“The challenge isn’t whether to embrace technology. It’s how to use it responsibly to enhance advice, improve efficiency and deliver a better client experience without losing the human relationships that define our business,” stresses Maharaj.

Trust is the business

For Maharaj, trust is not one aspect of wealth management: rather, it is the foundation of the entire industry.

“Wealth management isn’t simply about managing portfolios. It’s about helping people make some of the most significant financial decisions of their lives, and it’s being there for their families when that person is no longer there,” he says.

That requires competence, consistency and professionalism but, above all, it requires trust earned over time. Citadel’s long-standing client retention rate of 99% for most of the past decade bears testimony to the depth of those relationships.

“My responsibility as CEO is to ensure we never take that trust for granted,” adds Maharaj. “Every portfolio we manage represents someone’s life’s work, their aspirations and often their legacy. That’s an enormous responsibility we need to keep earning.”

Maharaj’s long-term ambition is for Citadel to remain one of the most trusted and respected independent wealth management businesses in its market, not only measured by size or profitability, but by the quality of its client relationships, consistency of advice and strength of culture.

“My aspiration is not to be defined by the title but rather by the quality of stewardship during the period I hold it. If people can say that the business became stronger, more resilient and more trusted under my leadership then that would be the most meaningful measure of success,” says Maharaj.

That sense of responsibility also extends beyond clients and shareholders. Citadel has rolled out a financial literacy project that, since inception in 2024, has improved the financial literacy of over 96,000 learners at 102 no-fee paying schools across the Western, Eastern and Northern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng and the North West. Maharaj sees this as a practical way for the business to contribute using its own skills and expertise.

“As a proudly South African business we have a responsibility to our clients, employees and shareholders as well as to our broader community. Beyond the numbers, the real story is access. Each rollout of the programme has meant more young people becoming financially literate in a practical way,” he says.

Maharaj’s message to clients is one of continuity and ambition. Citadel’s commitment remains unchanged but its ambition for what it can deliver over time is growing. In an increasingly complex world, Maharaj wants the business to remain a source of stability, clarity and continuity.

“To the broader industry I would say this: wealth management is ultimately a trust business. Technology, products and platforms will continue to evolve rapidly, but the core of our industry will always remain the same: people trusting other people with their financial futures,” concludes Maharaj.

Finding our rhythm: can Gauteng shape its future before its future shapes it?

The choices made today, by government leaders, business executives, community organisations, and citizens, will shape Gauteng’s trajectory for years to come, writes Olona Majikijela

On Wednesday, 13 May 2026, the Gauteng City-Region Observatory (GCRO), the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (MISTRA), and the Gauteng Provincial Government (GPG) launched Finding Our Rhythm: Pathways and Futures for the Gauteng City-Region, a landmark scenarios report that explores what Gauteng could look like by 2035. The launch also marked the beginning of the 20th-anniversary commemoration of the Gauteng City-Region (GCR) concept, first introduced in 2006 to position Gauteng as an integrated, globally competitive city-region.

More than a forecasting exercise, the report challenges leaders across government, business, academia, and civil society to confront the choices that will shape Gauteng’s future. At a time when South Africa’s economic heartland faces mounting pressures, including unemployment, infrastructure challenges, climate change, and coalition politics, the report offers a timely reminder that the future is not predetermined. It is shaped by decisions made today.

Why Scenarios Matter

In an increasingly uncertain world, leaders cannot rely solely on traditional planning models. Political shifts, technological disruption, economic volatility, and environmental pressures have made long-term decision-making more complex than ever before.

This is where scenario planning becomes valuable. Rather than predicting a single future, scenarios explore multiple plausible futures, helping leaders understand risks, identify opportunities, and prepare for different outcomes.

The Gauteng Scenarios 2035 project adapted the nationally recognised Indlulamithi Scenarios to Gauteng’s unique economic, social, and governance realities. Developed through extensive consultation with stakeholders from government business, labour, academia, and civil society, the project aimed to provide strategic insights to support Gauteng’s development agenda and long-term planning.

At its core, the report asks a simple but powerful question: What kind of Gauteng do we want to build by 2035?

Gauteng’s Strategic Importance

Gauteng remains South Africa’s economic engine. Despite occupying less than two percent of the country’s land mass, the province contributes more than a third of national GDP and serves as a critical hub for finance, commerce, logistics, innovation, and industry.

Yet Gauteng’s strengths exist alongside significant challenges.

The province continues to grapple with high levels of unemployment, inequality, and poverty. Infrastructure maintenance has become an increasing concern, while rapid urbanisation places pressure on housing, transport networks, and public services. Social tensions, political fragmentation, and climate-related risks add further complexity to an already demanding environment.

The report identifies 26 variables likely to influence Gauteng’s future and groups them into three key driving forces:

• • The Gauteng Economy: Dynamism or Depression?
  
• • Living Conditions, Health and Wellbeing: Better or Worse Quality of Life?
  
• • Governance: Chaos or Consensus-Building?
  

Together, these forces will determine whether Gauteng thrives, stagnates or declines over the coming decade.

The Economic Imperative

One of the most significant themes emerging from the report is the urgent need for economic transformation. Historically, Gauteng’s prosperity was built on mining and manufacturing. However, both sectors have experienced substantial decline over the past several decades. The challenge now is identifying new growth pathways capable of creating jobs and driving inclusive development.

The report argues that Gauteng must move beyond dependence on traditional industries and pursue a diversified growth strategy. Potential opportunities include advanced manufacturing, financial services, technology, logistics, tourism, township economies, mining services, and the creative industries.

Importantly, the report cautions against searching for a single “silver bullet” sector. Instead, it advocates for building a complex economic ecosystem where multiple industries can grow and reinforce one another.

Technology will play a crucial role in this transformation. Artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, and innovation could improve productivity, strengthen service delivery, and create new economic opportunities. However, these advances also present challenges, particularly for workers whose jobs may be displaced by automation.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents another major opportunity. If effectively implemented, it could position Gauteng as a gateway for trade, investment, and financial services across the continent. Yet success will depend on the province’s ability to improve infrastructure, enhance competitiveness, and adapt to an increasingly integrated African economy.

Ultimately, Gauteng’s future competitiveness will depend not on its natural resources or geographic location, but on its ability to harness its greatest asset: its people.

Human Capital and the Future Workforce

One of the report’s strongest observations is that Gauteng’s primary advantage lies in its concentration of human capital and knowledge.

In an increasingly digital economy, skills, innovation, and creativity will become even more valuable. This places significant responsibility on the province’s education system, universities and training institutions.

However, the report warns that persistent inequalities in educational quality could undermine Gauteng’s future prospects. While some learners receive world-class education, many others continue to face significant barriers to quality learning opportunities.

The digital divide remains another concern. Although internet access has improved considerably, many households still lack reliable fixed internet connectivity. Without deliberate intervention, technological advances may deepen existing inequalities rather than reduce them.

For leaders, the lesson is clear: Investment in people must remain at the centre of Gauteng’s development strategy.

Quality of Life as a Development Priority

Economic growth alone is not enough.

The report emphasises that improving living conditions, health, and wellbeing will be equally important in shaping Gauteng’s future.

Healthcare remains a significant challenge. Financial constraints, overcrowded facilities, resource shortages, and workforce pressures continue to affect service delivery. While National Health Insurance offers the possibility of reducing inequalities between public and private healthcare, its long-term impact remains uncertain.

Education faces similar challenges. Historical inequalities, spatial divisions, and resource disparities continue to shape educational outcomes across the province.

Housing and urban development present another layer of complexity. Gauteng’s population continues to grow rapidly, increasing demand for affordable housing and placing pressure on existing infrastructure. Informal settlements continue to expand, while many inner-city areas struggle with deteriorating buildings and inadequate maintenance.

Yet the report also highlights opportunities.

Smarter spatial planning, investment in public transport, urban renewal initiatives, and the development of sustainable human settlements could significantly improve quality of life. Revitalised city centres, better integration between residential and economic areas, and more efficient transportation systems could create a more inclusive and productive urban environment.

Climate Change Cannot Be Ignored

Climate change emerges throughout the report as one of the defining challenges facing Gauteng.

The province is expected to experience more frequent and severe climate-related events, including heatwaves, droughts, flooding, and infrastructure damage. These impacts will have direct consequences for public health, food security, water availability, and economic productivity.

Water security, in particular, was identified as one of the variables with the highest impact and uncertainty.

As population growth, infrastructure challenges, and climate pressures converge, ensuring reliable access to water may become one of the most important governance and development issues facing Gauteng over the next decade.

For leaders, climate adaptation can no longer be viewed as an environmental issue alone. It is increasingly an economic, social, and governance imperative.

Governance: The Deciding Factor

While economics, education, and infrastructure are all important, the report repeatedly returns to governance as the factor that ultimately determines success or failure.

Effective governance influences investment confidence, service delivery, infrastructure maintenance, public trust, and social stability. It shapes whether development strategies are implemented successfully or remain trapped on paper.

The report identifies governance as one of Gauteng’s most significant uncertainties.

Coalition politics, shifting electoral dynamics, and increasing political fragmentation create both risks and opportunities. On one hand, instability can delay decision-making and weaken implementation. On the other hand, collaborative governance models may encourage broader participation and stronger partnerships across society.

The province’s future will depend heavily on its ability to build capable institutions, strengthen accountability, and foster collaboration between government, business, labour, and civil society. In a complex and interconnected environment, no single actor can solve Gauteng’s challenges alone.

The Leadership Challenge of the Next Decade

Perhaps the most important takeaway from the Gauteng scenarios process is that the province’s future will not be determined solely by economic trends, technological advancements or political developments. It will be shaped by leadership.

The challenges identified in the report are deeply interconnected. Economic growth cannot be sustained without reliable infrastructure. Social cohesion cannot flourish in the absence of opportunity. Effective service delivery requires capable institutions, while long-term planning depends on political stability and public trust. Addressing these issues demands leaders who can think beyond electoral cycles and organisational boundaries.

For Gauteng’s public and private sector leaders, this means adopting a more collaborative and future-focused approach. The province’s most pressing challenges cannot be solved by government alone. Business, academia, civil society, and communities all have a role to play in shaping outcomes. Building partnerships, fostering innovation, and strengthening accountability will be critical to ensuring that Gauteng remains competitive and inclusive.

The scenarios also highlight the importance of resilience. Future leaders will need the ability to respond to uncertainty, adapt to changing circumstances, and make decisions that balance immediate needs with long-term development goals. In many respects, the future of Gauteng will depend less on the challenges it faces and more on how its leaders choose to respond to them.

Three Possible Futures

The report presents three scenarios that illustrate how Gauteng’s future could unfold by 2035.

The first scenario, It’s About Time, reflects a future in which progress remains slow and uneven. Economic growth continues but fails to generate meaningful transformation, leaving many structural challenges unresolved.

The second scenario, Homeless, portrays a more troubling future characterised by governance failures, worsening infrastructure, economic stagnation, and deepening social instability.

The third scenario, Paradise Road, offers a more optimistic vision. In this future, Gauteng successfully strengthens governance, attracts investment, expands economic opportunities, and improves living conditions for its residents.

None of these scenarios is a prediction.

Instead, they serve as tools for reflection, encouraging leaders to consider the consequences of today’s decisions and the pathways that may emerge from them.

Finding the Rhythm

The title of the report carries an important message.

Finding a rhythm suggests alignment, coordination, and shared purpose. It recognises that sustainable progress requires different parts of society to move together rather than in isolation.

For Gauteng, finding that rhythm will require strategic leadership, institutional capability, and long-term commitment. It will require balancing economic growth with social inclusion, technological advancement with human development, and immediate needs with future resilience.

As Gauteng commemorates twenty years of the city-region concept, the province stands at a pivotal moment in its development journey.

The future remains uncertain, but uncertainty should not be mistaken for inevitability.

The choices made today, by government leaders, business executives, community organisations, and citizens, will shape Gauteng’s trajectory for years to come.

The question is no longer whether change is coming. The question is whether Gauteng can find its rhythm quickly enough to shape that change into a future that is more prosperous, inclusive and resilient for all.

Olona Majikijela is the Communications Officer for Frank Dialogue Holdings.

An open letter to President Cyril Ramaphosa

In a constitutional democracy, leadership is not about holding on to power. It is about serving the people, writes Jay Naidoo.

Dear Mr President,

I write to you not as a political opponent, but as someone who stood alongside you during the struggle for our freedom and who respects the office you occupy.

There was a time when you, as General Secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, and I, as General Secretary of COSATU, occupied two of the most significant leadership positions in South Africa’s mass democratic movement. We organised workers, communities, and students knowing that detention, torture or assassination were real possibilities. The difference between life and death was often measured in days.

Together with millions of ordinary South Africans, we entered into a covenant with our people. It was never simply to win elections or occupy government. It was to build a country where every South African could live with dignity, justice, and opportunity.

That was the meaning of freedom in 1994. To deliver a better life to all our people.

We understood that our struggle was never simply about replacing one government with another. It was about dismantling the economic foundations of apartheid itself. Apartheid was built on cheap black labour, exclusion from ownership, and the denial of opportunity to the overwhelming majority of our people.

We believed political freedom would be accompanied by economic freedom.

That was our covenant.

Thirty years later, we must ask ourselves an uncomfortable question: have we fundamentally transformed that economy, or have we simply created a new politically connected elite alongside the old concentrations of wealth and economic power while millions remain excluded?

That is not the vision that inspired our struggle.

The photograph from the early 1990s captures one moment in that journey. You had become the newly elected Secretary-General of the African National Congress after its unbanning. Chris Hani had returned from exile to lead the South African Communist Party. I remained General Secretary of COSATU and Cde John Gomomo our COSATU President. We represented different organisations, but we shared one purpose.

We did not inherit freedom.

We earned it together with millions of workers, students, faith leaders, civic organisations, and ordinary citizens who made apartheid impossible to govern. We did not defeat apartheid on the battlefield. We defeated it because ordinary people withdrew their consent, organised themselves, and made negotiations inevitable.

I remember when the apartheid government bombed the headquarters of COSATU and the National Union of Mineworkers in 1987. I remember providing office space to Chris Hani and the SACP after the organisations were unbanned. I remember the funerals, the marches, the negotiations, and the daily effort to prevent South Africa from descending into civil war.

We chose courage over revenge.

We chose reconciliation over hatred.

We chose constitutional democracy over permanent conflict.

That is why I write to you today.

For the past month I have travelled alone across South Africa. I have driven through villages, towns, farms, and mountains. I have sat with workers, farmers, elders, young people, and families. I have listened far more than I have spoken.

What I have encountered is not a nation without hope.

It is a nation that feels abandoned.

Our people remain generous. They remain resilient. But they no longer believe that those in power are listening.

I have seen collapsing municipalities, broken roads, failing hospitals, schools without dignity, corruption that has hollowed out public institutions, and young people who see little pathway into the economy.

I have also witnessed something that should trouble every South African.

Poor South Africans turning against poor Africans.

This is not the freedom we struggled for.

South Africa has every right to secure its borders, enforce its immigration laws, and remove those who are in the country unlawfully through lawful processes. Every sovereign nation has that responsibility.

But we cannot allow corruption, state failure, and economic despair to be redirected into violence against vulnerable human beings.

The greatest threat to our democracy is not the foreigner seeking an honest livelihood.

It is corruption.

It is failed governance.

It is organised crime.

It is inequality.

It is the steady erosion of public trust.

Mr President, we also stand at a dangerous constitutional moment.

South Africans have every right to protest. We fought for that right. We fought for the freedoms now protected by our Constitution: the freedom to speak, to organise, to assemble peacefully and to challenge those in power.

Those freedoms are sacred.

But they are not a licence to threaten violence, spread hatred, intimidate communities, destroy infrastructure or take the law into one’s own hands.

No individual or organisation has the right to hold our constitutional democracy hostage through fear or vigilantism.

If there are genuine grievances, and there are many, they must be addressed through democratic and lawful means. The answer to failed governance cannot be mob rule. The answer to corruption cannot be lawlessness. The answer to economic exclusion cannot be violence against innocent people.

I therefore ask you to address the nation before these tensions escalate further. Reassure South Africans that peaceful protest will always be protected. But make it equally clear that incitement to violence, attacks on migrants, destruction of public or private property, and attempts to undermine the rule of law will not be tolerated.

That is your constitutional duty.

But maintaining public order is only part of your responsibility.

Your greater responsibility is to remove the conditions that have allowed this anger to grow.

Millions of South Africans have lost trust in government. They see corruption going unpunished. They see public money stolen while municipalities collapse, hospitals deteriorate, schools fail, and young people remain unemployed. They see political connections rewarded while honesty, competence and entrepreneurship are left behind.

These grievances are real.

They cannot simply be condemned.

They must be addressed.

Take the people of South Africa into your confidence.

Tell the 65 million people you serve what action has been taken on the findings of the Zondo Commission and the many commissions of inquiry your government has established. Explain what has been achieved, what remains outstanding, and when those responsible for looting the public purse will finally be held accountable.

Help us understand the threats facing our constitutional democracy. If there are organised groups, criminal syndicates or foreign interests seeking to destabilise our country, tell the nation what can responsibly be disclosed and, most importantly, what your government is doing about it. South Africans deserve facts, not rumours. Trust is rebuilt through honesty.

We do not need more promises.

We need action.

Hold your Cabinet accountable.

Hold your government accountable.

Hold the public service accountable.

Restore the integrity of our institutions.

Root out corruption without fear or favour.

Build an economy that rewards innovation, entrepreneurship and productive work, especially for those who were historically excluded.

Too much of our economy remains concentrated in too few hands, while corruption and patronage have prevented meaningful economic transformation. Our dream was never to replace one elite with another. It was to build an inclusive economy in which every South African could participate with dignity.

If government fails to deal with these root causes, others will continue to exploit the anger they create.

South Africans deserve better than a choice between corruption and chaos.

They deserve an honest state that earns back their trust through action, not promises.

As one of your comrades from those difficult years, I ask you to lead with the courage that history once demanded of us.

Leave the meetings.

Leave the blue-light convoys.

Travel quietly through our villages.

Sit with elders.

Listen to workers.

Listen to young people.

Hear the pain beneath the anger.

Remember the covenant we made with our people.

In many of our traditions, we believe our ancestors remain present, not to rule over us, but to witness how we care for the gifts we have inherited.

Whether one shares that belief or not, every generation is accountable to those who came before it and to those who will come after it.

History gave our generation the privilege of helping to win freedom.

History is now asking what we have done with that freedom.

And if your government no longer has the capacity, the will or the moral authority to fulfil that covenant, then there is also honour in acknowledging that reality.

In a constitutional democracy, leadership is not about holding on to power. It is about serving the people.

If you cannot restore that trust and provide the leadership this moment demands, then do the honourable thing: return your mandate to the people and allow them, through democratic elections, to decide who should lead South Africa forward.

That is not defeat.

That is democracy.

Mr President, the time for incremental adjustments has passed.

Lead.

The country is waiting.

Our ancestors are watching.

And one day our children and grandchildren will ask whether we honoured the trust that was placed in us.

May we have the courage to answer them with honesty before history delivers its verdict.

Jay Naidoo is the Founding General Secretary of COSATU, a former Minister in President Nelson Mandela’s Cabinet, and a South African citizen and Elder.

Understanding the structural collapse of South Africa’s sub‑national economy

The nation cannot achieve financial or developmental balance by eroding its own local foundations, writes Dr Pali Lehohla

 The structural collapse of South Africa’s sub national economy cannot be understood by treating local governance failures and macroeconomic policies as isolated crises.

Instead, they are two sides of the same coin.

By viewing this crisis through the Lehohla Ledger Oscilloscope, we can observe the interplay between top down structural compression (the In Out Washington Consensus template) and bottom up administrative decay (the localised collapse of internal control frameworks).

The synthesis of the Boston University study on IMF programs (Rinner, Gallagher, and Ray, 2026), the World Bank’s retrospective on East Asian state led industrial policy, and thirty years of South African census data (1996 to 2022) provides empirical evidence to evaluate the “Washington Consensus vs. Corrupt Municipalities” debate.

1. The 30 year census mesh: macro policy failure localised

The primary flaw of the Washington Consensus lies in its In Out architectural premise: the assumption that top down fiscal discipline, budget compression, and macro stabilisation inputs will naturally cause private investment to flow outward into peripheral markets.

South Africa’s post apartheid macroeconomic transition adapted significant elements of this template, prioritising national deficit reduction and inflation targeting while assuming the market would naturally correct spatial distortions.

When tracked across the Census Mesh, aggregating contiguous Enumeration Areas (EAs) from the 1996, 2001, 2011, and 2022 Censuses, the data reveals a starkly different structural transmission mechanism:

[Washington Consensus Austerity] — [Public Infrastructure Disinvestment] — [Erosion of the Spatial Mesh] — [Capital Degradation & 1:1 Paradox Vortex]

The 1:1 ratio paradox map

The top down fiscal constraints imposed on the public sector severely limited the state’s capacity to build and sustain a localised, asset backed economic foundation.

By tracking the 1:1 Ratio Paradox, the critical threshold measuring formal, income earning employed persons against the “Not Economically Active” (NEA) population, the Census Mesh reveals that the contraction of state directed infrastructure funding did not catalyse private sector development.

Instead, it expanded structural dependency. Outside of highly insulated commercial nodes, entire township and rural spatial cells slid into systemic vulnerability. Private investment requires supportive public infrastructure to operate efficiently. By prioritising macro balance sheet metrics over local carrying capacity, the state hollowed out the peripheral mesh, locking millions into structural stagnation.

2. Municipal performance: structural stagnation and administrative indiscretions

The In Out stabilisation model is often defended by blaming local underperformance entirely on the indiscretions of corrupt and incompetent officials. This perspective represents an analytical concealment. The Lehohla Ledger establishes that while top down fiscal compression systematically degrades the state’s economic foundation, it simultaneously creates an environment highly susceptible to local corruption, rent seeking, and administrative failure.

The Auditor General’s 2024/25 Consolidated General Report on Local Government Audit Outcomes provides the empirical baseline to analyse this interaction. The local government crisis is a combination of two distinct forces: macro structural de capitalisation and an internal culture of zero accountability.

The sub national fiscal squeeze mechanism

Macro austerity squeeze: slashing maintenance budgets and capital transfers (3% vs 8% norm)

Administrative squeeze: 1:1 ratio breakdown, high vacancies and loss of internal controls The resulting sinkhole: R145.21 billion irregular expenditure and systemic asset misstatement

Asset decapitalisation vs systemic asset misstatement

The Boston University study demonstrates that austerity shocks reduce Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) by up to 36% over five years. At the localised level, this maps directly to the Auditor General’s finding that 93% of municipalities failed to meet the 8% asset maintenance norm, spending an average of only 3%.

However, incompetent and corrupt administrations compound this structural deficit.

Rather than managing their remaining capital, 51% of municipalities submitted financial statements with material misstatements in their fixed and movable assets. In places like Mopani District Municipality, infrastructure assets operating well beyond their design capacity were not written down or properly accounted for, creating a distorted data environment that severely impaired maintenance planning and led to widespread ecological damage.

The financial consultant gravy train: a symptom of institutional vacuums

The East Asian Miracle proved that successful state led development requires a highly capable, professionalised public administration.

The In Out approach, by enforcing salary freezes and administrative downsizing, hollows out this core institutional capacity. South African municipalities have responded by outsourcing their constitutional duties: 225 municipalities spent R1.61 billion on financial reporting consultants in 2024/25.

This is where administrative incompetence turns into a direct loss of public value: 61% of these municipalities still produced material misstatements in the exact areas managed by consultants.

In the worst cases, such as Madibeng Local Municipality, which spent R58.12 million on consultants alongside a R40 million internal payroll, these contracts simply function as a mechanism for elite capture, failing to transfer skills or secure clean audit outcomes.

Write offs as an escape from accountability

The complete breakdown of internal discipline is clearly visible in how municipal councils manage unauthorised, irregular, and fruitless and wasteful expenditure (UIFW).

Rather than conducting the forensic investigations required to identify and recover financial losses, councils increasingly use accounting entries to bypass accountability.

Out of R150.43 billion in prior year irregular expenditure, councils prematurely wrote off R42.02 billion (28%) through book entries, while recovering less than 1% (R0.43 billion). This pattern was evident across the worst performing municipal nodes, where councils actively chose to write off billions rather than confront the illicit financial practices driving the systemic decline.

3. The conclusive diagnostic: the Lehohla Ledger Oscilloscope

The synthesis of these two dynamics demonstrates why both the pure Washington Consensus template and the “purely corrupt local government” thesis are insufficient on their own.

The Lehohla Ledger Oscilloscope tracks how these forces interact to create a downward economic spiral:

When macro policies restrict funding for infrastructure maintenance and spatial alignment, local systems become unstable. Incompetent leadership and weak internal controls then accelerate the decline, turning structural funding deficits into severe service delivery collapses, uncollected debts, and an expanding 1:1 Ratio Paradox Vortex across communities.

To reverse this structural decline, the state must reclaim its Data Sovereignty and assert the supremacy of the Out In method.

The nation cannot achieve financial or developmental balance by eroding its own local foundations.

Planning must be anchored within a granular Census Mesh and audited against the 2,752 instruments of valid metadata. By tracking real time carrying capacity and enforcing strict administrative accountability directly within the local spatial blocks, the state can rebuild its numerical conscience and ensure public resources are converted into durable, community led economic assets.

Dr Pali Lehohla is the former Statistician General of South Africa, Director of the Pan African Institute for Evidence (PIE), and the founder of the Lehohla Ledger. He is a Professor of Practice at the University of Johannesburg and a Research Associate at Oxford University.

This article originally appeared on Business Report and is published with permission.

From recovery to resilience: Amathole District Municipality builds momentum

After years of financial instability and service delivery challenges, Amathole District Municipality Municipal Manager Dr Bhekisisa Mthembu believes the institution is entering a new chapter defined by accountability, infrastructure investment and renewed public confidence.

Speaking to Leadership, Dr Mthembu reflects on the municipality’s financial turnaround, the drive to strengthen water security, and the long-term vision for building a more capable and resilient district.

For the Amathole District Municipality, the journey from repeated audit disclaimers to consecutive qualified audit opinions represents more than improved financial reporting. It reflects a broader transformation in governance, institutional culture and service delivery, with disciplined financial management now underpinning every aspect of the municipality’s recovery.

The municipality recently secured its second consecutive qualified audit opinion after six years of disclaimers, a milestone Dr Mthembu describes as evidence of significant operational and cultural change.

”This milestone is far more than a technical accounting achievement. It represents a profound turnaround in institutional culture and discipline,” says Dr Mthembu.

According to Dr Mthembu, the progress has been driven by the consistent implementation of the municipality’s Amended Mandatory Financial Recovery Plan, strengthened internal controls and a renewed focus on accountability.

The municipality has stabilised employee costs at approximately 37% of operating expenditure, maintained full expenditure on conditional grants, built financial reserves exceeding R100 million and reduced fleet-related expenditure. At the same time, improved record-keeping and consequence management have strengthened governance while restoring confidence in the municipality’s financial systems.

”The Auditor-General’s confidence in our Audit Recovery Roadmap signals restored credibility. Disciplined financial management is the bedrock of sustainable service delivery, restoring public trust and enabling us to invest meaningfully in water infrastructure that restores dignity to our communities.”

While celebrating the progress, Dr Mthembu acknowledges that important work remains. Legacy irregular expenditure, historical debt and revenue collection continue to require focused attention as the municipality prepares a fully funded R2.809 billion Medium-Term Revenue and Expenditure Framework budget for the 2026/27 financial year.

Water security remains the priority

For a largely rural district such as Amathole, access to reliable water infrastructure remains one of the municipality’s most important responsibilities.

”Water is the lifeblood of our district,” says Dr Mthembu.

During the 2025/26 financial year, several major infrastructure projects either reached completion or recorded significant progress. Among the highlights was the official handover of the R27 million Ngqamakhwe Regional Water Supply Scheme Phase 3, which now delivers clean water to seven villages through new reservoirs, upgraded boreholes, break-pressure tanks and expanded reticulation networks.

Progress also continued on a number of strategic projects, including the Ngqamakwe Bulk Phase 5A scheme, the Bende Water Supply Project, Dontsa, Dwesa, Kei Bridge Water Treatment Works, the Idutywa bulk sewer upgrades and the Xhora Water Supply Project. Emergency refurbishment work was also completed using internally generated funding where required.

Recognising the need to preserve existing infrastructure, the municipality approved more than 20% of its Municipal Infrastructure Grant allocation for maintenance while reallocating funding to support recovery efforts following the severe floods experienced during June 2025.

Infrastructure alone, however, cannot guarantee long-term water security.

To combat vandalism and theft, the municipality introduced its ”ZINGCE – Take Pride” campaign, encouraging communities to play an active role in protecting public assets.

”Infrastructure only delivers lasting value when communities protect it,” Dr Mthembu says.

Alongside infrastructure investment, the municipality has continued promoting water conservation while strengthening Blue Drop and Green Drop compliance, expanding VIP sanitation programmes and ensuring water use licence compliance.

”Sustainable water security requires both engineering solutions and a shift in collective responsibility.”

Strengthening governance beyond the balance sheet

While financial recovery and infrastructure development remain central priorities, the municipality has also focused on strengthening governance and institutional capacity.

According to Dr Mthembu, long-term resilience depends on building an organisation that is both accountable and capable of delivering consistently for its communities.

Quarterly performance monitoring, policy reviews, disaster management planning, spatial planning and economic development initiatives have all formed part of this broader institutional strengthening programme.

Among the key achievements has been the approval of the municipality’s Reviewed Employment Equity Plan for 2025 – 2030, continued progress towards permanent office accommodation in Qumrha, updates to service level agreements and participation in the United Nations Making Cities Resilient 2030 initiative.

Municipal Health Services has maintained compliance monitoring across the district, while employee wellness initiatives have continued to record strong participation. Partnerships established following severe hailstorms and flooding have also strengthened the municipality’s disaster response capability.

Economic development remains another important pillar of the municipality’s long-term strategy.

The municipality has advanced five economic development programmes, implemented the Cathcart Small Town Revitalisation Strategy, strengthened its partnership with the Construction Education and Training Authority through the ADM – CETA skills initiative, and continued supporting its development agency, ASPIRE, which recently achieved an unqualified audit opinion.

Work has also continued across spatial planning, land reform, human settlements and environmental sustainability, including the submission of the Amathole Biosphere Reserve dossier.

Dr Mthembu says constructive oversight has played an important role throughout the municipality’s recovery.

Bodies including the Municipal Public Accounts Committee, the Audit Committee, COGTA, SCOPA, SCOAG and the Provincial Legislature have continued providing oversight while encouraging faster implementation of consequence management and reduced dependence on consultants.

”These efforts build a more capable, responsive institution that serves communities with integrity.”

Preparing for the next chapter

Although significant progress has been made, Dr Mthembu is realistic about the challenges that remain as Amathole prepares for a new Council term.

Revenue collection, legacy irregular expenditure and historical debt continue to place pressure on municipal finances, while vandalism, drought and increasingly severe weather events require ongoing investment and resilience planning.

The municipality’s priorities over the coming years are therefore focused on consolidating the gains already achieved while accelerating service delivery.

”We want to consolidate our financial progress towards an unqualified, and ultimately a clean, audit opinion,” says Dr Mthembu. ”At the same time, we will accelerate water and sanitation delivery, strengthen institutional capacity in ICT and performance management, and build even stronger partnerships across government and with our communities.”

The municipality also plans to intensify credit control measures, continue cleansing its indigent register and strengthen consequence management, while expanding the ”ZINGCE – Take Pride” campaign and public awareness initiatives around responsible water use.

Turning recovery into resilience

Reflecting on the municipality’s progress, Dr Mthembu believes the past few years demonstrate what can be achieved through disciplined leadership and collective commitment.

”The path from disclaimer to qualified opinion, and the progressive delivery of water infrastructure that restores dignity, proves that disciplined, collective effort yields results.”

Dr Mthembu credits municipal employees, communities, local municipalities and provincial and national government partners for helping drive the turnaround.

Looking ahead, the vision is clear.

”The people of Amathole can expect a municipality that is increasingly responsive, accountable and focused on efficient, excellent and sustainable service delivery. Together, we are turning the corner – moving from recovery to resilience and from challenges to shared prosperity.”

For Dr Mthembu, the municipality’s transformation is not yet complete, but the foundations have been laid. With improved financial governance, continued investment in critical infrastructure and a renewed commitment to accountability, Amathole District Municipality is positioning itself to deliver more effectively for its communities while building confidence in local government.

”The best chapters of Amathole’s story are still being written,” concludes Dr Mthembu.

More than just SA: Afrophobia, broken trust, and Africa’s unfulfilled promise

South Africa’s Afrophobia reveals a troubling betrayal of pan-African solidarity. Historical injustices mirror today’s xenophobic violence, reflecting deeper governance failures as the continent grapples with a migration crisis, writes Thebe Ikalafeng

I still remember the silence. It was in the middle of the xenophobic attacks in South Africa on fellow Africans, which started on 11 April 2015 and were flooding global screens. I was travelling to Ghana, the first sub-Saharan nation to gain independence, whose liberation and leadership under pan-African luminary Kwame Nkrumah had inspired South Africa’s own freedom movement.

South Africa’s liberation movement, the ANC, had kept offices here in exile, and Oliver Tambo had walked Ghana’s streets freely. I had been through these borders umpteen times.

This time, as I approached the immigration officer and handed him my South African passport, he paused, looked up and asked, “Why are you doing this to us after everything we did for your freedom?”

My blood froze, and follicles pierced through my bald scalp. Only shame, and the painful awareness that my country, once celebrated as Africa’s moral beacon, was now associated with Africans attacking fellow Africans.

It happened again in 2017. In 2019. And in April 2026, with two Nigerian nationals killed in incidents reportedly involving the security forces, 130 citizens repatriated and six African governments issuing formal travel warnings about South Africa.

Ghana petitioned the African Union to place the crisis on the agenda of its June summit in El Alamein, Egypt, and authorised the emergency repatriation of 300 of its citizens. What had always been Africa’s wound was now formally on the continental agenda.

This is not xenophobia

Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, said it plainly in her 7 May 2026 call with her South African counterpart, Ronald Lamola: “We will not stand by and watch the systematic harassment and humiliation of our nationals resident in South Africa.”

That what was happening should more accurately be called Afrophobia, not xenophobia. The distinction matters. This is Africa turning on itself. Tribalism at a continental scale, with passports replacing ethnic markers. But the pattern is not new and not uniquely South African.

Ghana expelled 200 000 Nigerian migrants in 1969 under its Aliens Compliance Order. Facing economic collapse, Nigeria expelled two million undocumented workers, more than half of them Ghanaian, in 1983.

In Côte d’Ivoire, the concept of ivoirité, a codified definition of citizenship designed to exclude immigrants from political life, culminated in civil war.

In Kenya, following its Somalia incursion against al-Shabaab, Somali migrants and Kenyan citizens of Somali origin alike were rounded up, subjected to mass police raids and collectivised as a security threat.

In 1994, in just three months, about one million Tutsis in Rwanda were slaughtered by their countrymen on the basis of tribalism and manufactured fear.

History is unambiguous: it never works.

Nigeria’s expulsions did not create jobs. Ghana’s deportations did not generate prosperity. The real crisis is always deeper: a failure of governance and the failure of leadership to convert political freedom into economic dignity.

The last frontier–and its broken promise

There is no question that citizens of many countries that achieved independence decades before South Africa, watched as their governments failed to deliver on their promises and looked south.

For millions of them, post-apartheid South Africa became the last frontier of opportunity–a country whose freedom had been realised through continental solidarity, whose Constitution was among the most progressive on earth, and whose economy was the continent’s largest.

Pretoria today hosts more than 130 resident embassies and high commissions–more than any other African city – a footprint that reflects that collective investment.

But South Africa built the conditions for its own migration crisis. Western and Asian nations received generous visa arrangements, while African neighbours faced barriers that forced many into an alternate illegal route into South Africa.

Home Affairs became, in the words of the Special Investigating Unit’s February 2026 findings, “a marketplace where permits and visas were sold to the highest bidder”.

With its porous and poorly manned borders and some corrupt officials, the state did not merely fail to manage migration; it actively facilitated the irregularity it was mandated to prevent.

But here is the truth. The rage targeting African migrants does not touch the underlying commanding heights of the South African economy, which remain, 30 years after liberation, stubbornly untransformed.

White South Africans, 7.3% of the population, still own about 72% of agricultural land and economy–a direct consequence of the 1913 Natives Land Act. The result is the most unequal society in the world by the Gini coefficient.

The Somali shopkeeper does not own the malls. The Mozambican miner does not own the mines. The Zimbabwean waiter does not own the restaurant. The Malawian farmworker does not hold JSE stock exchange equity. In fact, the African migrant is not the architect of South Africa’s structural inequality—he is, in many respects, its fellow victim. Just like the black South African.

‘The people shall govern’

One of the defining slogans of South Africa’s liberation struggle was a promise and a demand: “The people shall govern.” In the absence of a state that actually governs, that manages borders, enforces laws, delivers services, holds officials to account, a dangerous inversion has taken hold.

Those who loot a migrant’s shop or redistribute a business’s keys at an official’s instruction–as was the case in Estcourt in April 2026, when the mayor confiscated the keys of Ghanaian shopkeepers and handed their businesses to locals–believe they are not violating the promise of liberation. They believe they are fulfilling it.

In July 2025, a one-year-old Malawian boy died after being denied treatment after members of Operation Dudula, an anti immigration organisation, allegedly prevented him and his mother from accessing two Alexandra clinics.

What makes things worse is that often, opportunistic politicians have found in the migrant a convenient scapegoat, a manufactured crisis that keeps citizens looking sideways at each other rather than upward at those responsible. It has become easier to blame the foreign shopkeeper for unemployment than to account for the billions looted through State Capture, the collapsed public health system or ineffective economic policies.

This is Afrophobia at its worst and tribalism in its most cynical form.

But an honest account also demands a balanced perspective. Some foreign nationals have committed serious crimes on South African soil: the robbery, in front of TV cameras, of SABC journalist Vuyo Mvoko by undocumented Zimbabweans, the Hillbrow drug and prostitution rings linked to foreign, allegedly Nigerian, syndicates; the young Nigerian model Chidimma Adetshina’s identity-theft case; the Lesotho and Mozambican “zama zamas” (illegal miners); the deaths of children from contaminated Somali and Ethiopian spaza shops’ alleged expired or counterfeit food.

These are real grievances. But the crimes of a few do not define the millions who came in search of a better life. The legitimate grievance is with the state that corrupted its own systems.

But redirecting it at the nearest African face has never, in any country, at any point in history, solved the problem it claims to address.

I have travelled to every country and island surrounding Africa. In each one, I have had to abide by the rules:

• • no photos allowed of the statue in Juba of John Garang, the icon of the struggle in South Sudan;
  
• • held up for three hours in Comoros by immigration police because the hotel I stated on my arrival forms didn’t match what they knew [it had long changed its name, but the officials weren’t aware and thought I was making it up];
  
• • being held up at Carbo Verde immigration because I had three South African passports on hand [a valid passport and expired others with visas for the different countries I was transiting on this journey] because ‘it’s illegal to have more than one travel document here’ [I got off because they all had the same personal information and I was not a local citizen]; and
  
• • detained for 12 hours in transit in Morocco because I arrived 24 hours before my visa was valid.
  

The laws are the laws, irrespective of how I felt about their triviality. Every visitor or citizen must abide by them, and every official and citizen must apply them without fear or favour and with equal humanity, in South Africa and everywhere.

A debt not taught, a promise not kept

South Africa entered a specific moral contract at liberation. Tanzania, Zambia, Nigeria, Botswana, and Mozambique hosted ANC camps, absorbed South African Defence Force bombs, led divestment campaigns, and sheltered operatives along their borders.

Africa did not merely sympathise with South Africa’s struggle. It paid for it in blood, in economies disrupted, in soil violated.

The late Kenneth Kaunda once reminded me over dinner at his residence that he was constantly challenged in his parliament for the support he gave South Africa at the expense of his own country’s citizens. Yet most South African learners or graduates today cannot tell you which country hosted the ANC headquarters in exile.

That is the consequence of a failure to use education as a vehicle for the solidarity consciousness on which liberation was built.

Unemployed and young South Africans, shaped by economic despair and a collapsed public service, reach for the nearest explanation for their dire circumstances. But it’s the wrong target. The wrong enemy. The wrong answer.

What kind of Africa are we building?

When the AU convenes in El Alamein in June, the agenda cannot just be about South Africa’s crisis. Migration remains one of the continent’s most debilitating crises and emergencies, with millions displaced by conflict, drought, and state failure.

The dire circumstances of the affected in parts of Somalia, Sudan, Libya, Mali, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and the DRC, among other countries, like South Africa’s problem, demand urgent continental leadership and attention.

The summit should not merely focus its energies on censuring South Africa. It should produce a continent-wide migration framework that addresses root causes and holds every member state accountable. The continental body cannot merely be a bystander or rely on outsiders to resolve its most urgent crisis if we are to achieve the 2063 ideals of a peaceful, prosperous and integrated Africa.

Among the causes for the continent’s migration crisis, there’s another legitimate question: The reality of an external hand in Africa’s instability. The continent’s history of manufactured conflict and deliberate destabilisation is well documented. When Africans are pitted against each other, someone else’s interests are served.

And for its part, South Africa must honestly deal with the root cause of its economic inequality time bomb, and not just shuffle economic transformation blueprints which have only lined the pockets of a few politically associated elites and the corrupt, as the Madlanga Commission and others have shown, and worse still, protected and enriched the previously empowered minority.

Everyone must be held accountable and equal under South African laws.

Before there were borders, before there were passports, before there were immigration departments, there was African hospitality and humanity. The understanding that a stranger at the threshold is not a threat to be expelled, but a human being to be received.

Afrophobia is not in our culture. It is not African. And it is emphatically not South African. This is a country freed by the continent whose own people were once the refugees, the exiles, the strangers at other nations’ thresholds. When we attack a fellow African, we are not expressing South African identity. We are betraying it.

The purpose of freedom was never merely to replace rulers. It was to reclaim our story and land, to improve lives, restore harmony and set the continent on the path to civilisational flourishing — an Africa where African life is sacred. Including the lives of those who crossed their borders so that ours might one day be free.

What we cannot afford is the failure that Kofi Annan, the first African UN Secretary General, observed after the Rwandan genocide: “When Rwanda needed us most, we turned away.” Africa cannot turn away from Africa again.

Thebe Ikalafeng is a Hall of Fame marketer and named as one of the 100 Most Influential Africans by New African Magazine. He is the founder and chairman of Brand Africa, Chancellor of Sol Plaatje University, Professor of Practice at the University of Johannesburg Business School, and the best-selling author of The Traveller: Crossing Borders and Connecting Africa and Rooted and Rising: Reclaiming Our Borders and Redefining Our Global Influence. He has been to every country in Africa and every continent in the world.

This article originally appeared on Daily Maverick and is published with permission.

A system which has demanded everything but returned nothing

Professor Bonang Mohale lays down the facts
before calling on everyone to vote in November

 When the almost 76-year-old President Rolihlahla N. Mandela lived to see his own inauguration and so began his first and only term at the Union Building, the young people of 16 June 1976 saw a ray of light and with it, dared to hope that the very first democratically elected President of South Africa had put victory within reach and prevented the country from becoming embroiled in the mounting hostilities and inevitable implosion.

Finally, the National Party’s hold on the country, its economy, society, and people was about to be broken, shattered, and crushed. The 16 June 1976 had received a spiritual wholeness that, to this day seems fated to elude them.

Although precipitated by the enforced Afrikaans as a medium of instruction, their Memorandum of Demands also included the abolition of Bantu education; the right of students to be taught in their home languages and English; the release of student detainees; the abolition of apartheid in favour of a constitution that would recognise the rights of all citizens; and the release of all political prisoners to enable a new political dispensation based on dialogue between government and authentic black leaders.

The idealistic struggles of early revolutionary forebears to try and hang on to their ancestral land and establish genuine equality is proving to be a dismal failure. The lived experience of the children of Rolihlahla N. Mandela and Eric Mafuna is that they are liberated on paper and in name only without having achieved any real share in the power structure–most pronounced in their continued exclusion from economic participation.

The system that they paid dearly for, with their lives and for which they made the supreme sacrifice to root out and defeat, continues to exploit them and their parents–demanding everything but returning nothing. South Africa’s present uncertain path towards economic emancipation will most certainly not touch the current economic power patterns that has been set for generations to come.

The Outcomes-Based Education (OBE) that was introduced post-apartheid as Curriculum 2005, largely failed due to an overly complex curriculum, inadequate teacher training, and a severe lack of resources in underfunded schools. It resulted in neglected foundational skills, inflated administrative workloads, and exacerbated historical educational inequalities.

The biggest problem facing the country’s education system is systemic inequality, deeply rooted in the historical legacy of apartheid. This divide fractures the system into two distinct tiers, namely the well-resourced, historically privileged schools, and severely under-resourced, impoverished schools, which overwhelmingly serve black and rural learners.

The country faces an ongoing youth unemployment crisis, with the national unemployment rate for those aged 15-24 reaching 60.9%, and the broader rate for youth aged 15-34 standing at 46%. Out of the roughly 21 million working-age youth, over 4.7 million are actively unemployed, and a staggering 45.6% are not in employment, education, or training (NEET).

This remains one of the most pressing social and economic challenges.

Since the dawn of democracy in 1994, the country has made significant policy strides, yet the challenge persists. Despite numerous government initiatives and interventions, millions of young South Africans remain locked out of the labour market. The root causes are complex–ranging from corruption, greed, economic stagnation, poor governance, a lack of opportunities, and an ongoing skills mismatch between education and industry needs.

Economic stagnation has seen decades of low GDP growth that have severely limited the economy’s ability to absorb new entrants into the job market; skills mismatch has resulted in many young people who lack foundational work experience or leave school without the specific technical, mathematical, and literacy skills demanded by modern employers and poor spatial integration wrought by the legacy of spatial apartheid isolates many young people in marginalised townships away from economic hubs, making job searching costly and difficult.

While having a degree significantly reduces the overall risk of unemployment (the national graduate unemployment rate is roughly 9% to 11%, compared to nearly 33% for the general population), the unemployment rate for African graduates is up to three times more than that of other population groups, currently sitting at roughly 18% to 21% (depending on age and location), compared to just 3.7% for white graduates.

This accounts for over 200 000 unemployed or discouraged black graduates. Young, black female graduates experience the highest unemployment rates, averaging 4.5% higher than their male counterparts. Whilst many employers require work experience, thereby creating a difficult entry barrier for fresh graduates.

The South African Medical Association Trade Union (SAMATU) revealed that out of a cohort of 1 891 doctors who completed their community service at the end of 2025, about 1 480 remained unemployed just weeks into the new year. While the exact number of unemployed doctors fluctuates as batches of graduates enter the system and provincial departments slowly absorb them, the issue stems from a structural crisis in the South African public health sector.

Provincial health departments are frequently constrained by budgets and austerity measures, leaving critical posts unfunded. Following community service, there is no automatic placement for medical officers in the state sector, and graduates must compete for a limited pool of vacancies. Junior doctors are legally required to complete internships and community service to obtain independent or private practice licensing and yet bureaucratic bottlenecks and a lack of state funding for these mandatory roles prevent them from working.

This unemployment exists side-by-side with massive doctor shortages in the public sector, where the doctor-to-patient ratio can stretch to 1:3 000. This is despite the fact that South Africa is not a poor country–just badly managed! The City of Johannesburg has an estimated nominal GDP of approximately $131 billion to $150 billion. This is larger than the economies of Kenya ($147b), DRC ($123b), Ethiopia ($121b), and Ghana ($118b) in the top 10 African economies.

It acts as South Africa’s primary economic and financial hub, contributing about 16% of the country’s total GDP and accounting for over 40% of the Gauteng province’s economic output. The economy of Johannesburg is massive relative to the rest of the continent. The Sandton district within Johannesburg is considered the wealthiest square mile on the continent, boasting a local GDP of around $74 billion.

Johannesburg’s GDP per capita is estimated between $13 000 and $15 000, which ranks among the highest in Africa. Gauteng’s economy has an estimated Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of $165 billion (roughly R2.4 trillion). This is larger than the economy of Angola ($152b). Despite being South Africa’s smallest province by land area, it is the country’s economic powerhouse, generating about 33% to 35% of the total national GDP.

Perusing through the Prudential Authority’s statistics and teasing out just the cash ecosystem is truly illuminating indeed! It demonstrates beyond any shadow of doubt that South Africa is poor by choice. Especially when one considers that South Africa is blessed with an abundance of resources, the government has more than 730 State Owned Enterprises and Companies (SoE/Cs), SARS has collected about R2.01 trillion in the 2025 financial year. The Public Investment Corporation (PIC) manages over R3 trillion (approximately $166 billion–same size as the nominal GDP of Gauteng Province at $165 billion!) in assets under management–wholly owned by the South African government, it ranks as the largest asset manager in Africa and oversees funds for major public sector entities, most notably the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF).

There are 800 000 Stokvels in South Africa in 2025 with 11 million members saving R50 billion annually; SASSA benefits 19.2 million with R250 billion annually; NSFAS benefits 1.1 million (of 1.3 million) students with R50 billion annually; taxi operators are 250 000 handling R90 billion annually and spaza shops and general dealers are 172 000 handling R1 trillion annually!

The 10–12 million ‘hassling class’ (of the 15–18 million working class) is worth ~R500m per annum. Big Retailers are a R1 trillion per annum business. The country has 29 000 ATMs handling R900 billion cash withdrawals per annum; SADC foreign central banks account for $114 trillion per annum and The Mint handles about R2.5 billion coins, with associated R400m minting costs per annum. There are 2.6 million small businesses (<R20m turnover per annum); 50 000 medium (<R100m turnover per annum); 5 000 large (~R1 billion turnover per annum); and 500 corporations (>R1 billion turnover per annum).

The young women and men of the 16 June 1976 have learned hard and bitter lessons and they will want to get it right this time of local government elections that has given them the chance to start all over again with new rules and a new social compact between the white haves and the black have nots.

An exhilarating and challenging prospect–perhaps the Utopian dream of a better life for all could emerge as a young peoples’ triumph and reward for the 50 years of both sacrifice and disillusion. The very first, urgent, and most immediate task is for ALL eligible young people (18 years and above) to go and register to vote and actually wake up 07:00–21:00 on Wednesday, 4 November to brave the cold and the queues to cast their vote–for a leader of their choice! A leader that is committed to root out and defeat state capture; completing the unfinished task of transformation; ethical leadership; good governance; service delivery; and law and order, safety and security!

Professor Bonang Mohale is the Chancellor of the University of the Free State, Former President of Business Unity South Africa (BUSA), and Professor of Practice in the Johannesburg Business School (JBS) in the Faculty of Business and Economics.

Local growth, global ambition

For Unilever Southern Africa, localisation is a leadership strategy that strengthens competitiveness, resilience and economic participation, while investment in young people extends that impact into businesses, households and communities, says Stefan Cloete, Chief Executive Officer – Unilever Southern Africa.

In a region where businesses must navigate high unemployment, inequality, currency volatility, infrastructure constraints and recurring global supply chain disruption, Unilever Southern Africa’s approach is grounded in a clear conviction: sustainable growth in Africa must be built on local understanding, local partnerships and local capability.

“Many leaders still view Africa mainly through the risk lens,” says Cloete. “In reality, it is one of the world’s most dynamic growth markets. The businesses that succeed here are those that understand the local context, work with local partners and build for the long term rather than applying imported models. If you do that, there remains a huge opportunity to be unlocked in Africa.”

“Commercial growth and social impact are not competing priorities in South Africa,” adds Cloete. “Long-term business success depends on whether more people can participate meaningfully in the economy. Investing in local suppliers, youth employability and community partnerships strengthens both the market and the business opportunity, making it more sustainable.”

A localisation journey with purpose

That philosophy has shaped Unilever South Africa’s localisation programme, launched in 2019 with the aim of increasing local sourcing from 40% to 80% addressable spend by 2025. The company has reached that target, while 95% of the products it sells locally are now manufactured in South Africa.

The numbers indicate the scale of the shift. Spend with BBBEE suppliers has reached R3.5-billion, representing approximately 21% of Unilever South Africa’s overall spend. Around R600-million of that amount has been directed to qualifying small enterprises and exempt micro enterprises.

Beyond the headline sourcing target, the programme was designed to support South African manufacturing, strengthen local livelihoods and reduce reliance on imported inputs. Lower exposure to foreign exchange movements gives the business greater cost predictability, while closer sourcing can shorten lead times and allow suppliers to respond more quickly to changing market requirements.

Localisation also has an environmental dimension. Producing and sourcing closer to the market can reduce transport distances and the carbon emissions associated with moving goods and materials across the world. While localisation is not a complete environmental solution, it can contribute to a more efficient supply model when combined with competitive production, responsible sourcing and clear sustainability standards.

For Unilever, the objective is not simply to replace imports for the sake of doing so. The goal is to develop local suppliers and industrial capabilities that are commercially viable, able to meet demanding standards and capable of competing internationally.

“Localisation strengthens resilience,” says Cloete. “It improves supply security and keeps more value in the local economy. In a context shaped by global uncertainty, currency volatility and supply chain disruptions, building local sourcing, manufacturing and supply capability is a strategic advantage.”

COVID-19 provided a practical test of that strategy. The pandemic showed how quickly transport interruptions, shortages of critical inputs and disruptions at distant production sites could affect businesses. It also demonstrated the importance of established supplier relationships, local problem-solving capacity and partners able to respond rapidly when normal supply arrangements come under pressure.

Local capability, global ambition

The practical work behind localisation takes place across sourcing, manufacturing, innovation and supplier partnerships. It includes identifying inputs that can be produced competitively in South Africa, replacing imported materials with approved local alternatives, investing in production capability and working with suppliers to meet Unilever’s quality, safety, volume and delivery requirements.

“The future of South African manufacturing lies in our ability to build local capability that competes on a global stage,” says Phahle Phalane, Director of Supply Chain at Unilever Southern Africa. “Our localisation journey demonstrates that when business invests intentionally in local suppliers, innovation and enterprise development, we can create a more inclusive economy while strengthening our competitiveness. This is localisation with purpose, driving growth, creating opportunities and shaping a stronger future for South Africa.”

The next phase of the journey is therefore described as a move from “South Africa for South Africa” to “South Africa for the world”. The ambition is to position the country as a competitive manufacturing and sourcing hub able to serve markets across the continent and, where possible, beyond it.

This requires local factories to compete with other sourcing sites within Unilever’s global network. Cost, quality, reliability, innovation, safety and sustainability all matter. A local supplier is not protected from competition simply because it is local; it must build the capability and professionalism required to perform consistently within a multinational fast-moving consumer goods value chain.

The impact of supplier development becomes clearest when it can be seen through individual businesses. Afrozonke and Temong case studies demonstrate how targeted investment, technical capability and access to a major customer can turn localisation from a procurement objective into a platform for industrial development.

Afrozonke: From Local Supplier to Global Exporter

Unilever invested in Afrozonke, a South African chemicals manufacturer, to acquire mineral-processing equipment and localise inputs that were previously imported from Brazil. The investment has enabled Afrozonke to expand its operations, improve its quality standards and position itself as a potential exporter.

The partnership demonstrates how localisation can develop industrial capabilities that did not previously exist locally. Instead of merely substituting an imported input, the investment has helped a South African manufacturer acquire equipment, strengthen production standards and build the capability required to pursue opportunities beyond its original domestic market.

Temong: Unlocking Access for Smallholder Farmers

Unilever has partnered with Temong and AGT Foods to install a steam steriliser in South Africa. The capability has reduced costs and turnaround times, improved product quality and opened formal FMCG supply-chain opportunities for smallholder farmers.

By connecting agricultural producers to the processing capability and standards required by a multinational business, the partnership supports inclusive agricultural development while strengthening the local supply chain.

The investment illustrates the importance of looking beyond the immediate supplier. Processing infrastructure can connect aggregators, farmers, manufacturers and customers, allowing smaller agricultural producers to participate in value chains that might previously have been inaccessible to them.

Building suppliers, growing the economy

For many small and medium enterprises, accessing opportunities within major corporate supply chains requires overcoming various challenges, including limited access to capital, markets and organisational capabilities.

A promising business may have a strong product or service but lack the working capital to purchase equipment, secure materials, employ additional people or fulfil a large order. Even when funding is available, the cost of borrowing can make expansion difficult. Without a committed customer, investing in capacity can feel too risky.

Unilever’s Enterprise and Supplier Development Fund was established in 2018 to address some of these barriers. More than R100-million has been invested in interest-free loans to qualifying black-owned suppliers, helping businesses build infrastructure, increase working capital and develop the capacity required to enter formal FMCG value chains.

“We support small businesses through zero-interest loans and, by developing them as Unilever suppliers, we can give them access to an immediate market,” adds Phalane. “Beyond providing capital and the market opportunity, it is also about investing the time to build their capabilities through sharing best practice and transferring knowledge.”

Unilever works with suppliers to improve capacity, systems, professionalism, quality control and the ability to deliver at scale. The standards are demanding because failures in a large consumer-goods supply chain can affect manufacturing, product availability, food and consumer safety, brand trust and relationships with retailers.

The development process is not always quick or easy. It requires time from both the corporate partner and the supplier.

It can involve changes to systems, processes, governance, equipment, record-keeping and production methods.

“We have many current local suppliers that started as small SMEs, which we developed and which have now grown into substantial businesses and become a key part of our extended supply chain,” says Phalane.

Unilever reports that the localisation programme has supported more than 900 direct jobs and affected more than 4500 livelihoods. Across its broader investment in developing local suppliers, the company attributes more than 1 000 jobs to the growth and increased capacity of local enterprises.

These outcomes show why supplier development involves more than a transaction between a buyer and a vendor. Funding, technical support and access to an established market can give an SME the confidence to invest, professionalise its operations and seek additional customers, extending the value of the initial intervention beyond Unilever’s immediate requirements.

Investing in youth

At the heart of sustainable economic growth lies the empowerment of young people. By expanding access to education, skills development and meaningful employment opportunities, we are unlocking the potential of South Africa’s youth while strengthening the communities in which they live.

Our youth focused initiatives are designed to address unemployment, improve livelihoods and foster inclusion, particularly for young people from underserved communities and those living with disabilities.

”Youth development is not only about creating access to work; it is about opening doors to confidence, dignity and possibility. When young people are given the right support, skills and exposure, they are able to shape their own futures and contribute meaningfully to the communities around them,” says Celeste Mdletshe, HR Director, Unilever Southern Africa

Creating opportunities through the YES Programme

The Youth Employment Service (YES) Programme remains one of our most impactful interventions in addressing youth unemployment. Beyond providing work experience and income opportunities for unemployed youth, the programme also helps support SMME’s by providing much needed human capital. This enables these businesses to build capacity, increase productivity and contribute to local economic growth.

”By investing in education, skills development and meaningful work experience, we are helping young people build confidence, independence and pathways to sustainable careers. These initiatives not only unlock individual potential, but also strengthen families, schools, small businesses and communities, creating lasting impact beyond the workplace,” claims Mdletshe

In the past year, our participation in the YES Programme has created 315 opportunities for youth to gain meaningful work experience and develop critical skills to improve their access to future employment opportunities. By extending placements of the YES participants into SMMEs and community-based initiatives, the programme’s impact reaches beyond our organisation and into the broader economy.

Advancing inclusion for young People with disabilities

Inclusion is a fundamental pillar of our commitment to youth development.

Over the past three years, we have created nearly 200 learnership opportunities for young people living with disabilities, helping to remove barriers to employment and ensure that talent and potential are recognised and nurtured.

For many participants, these opportunities represent far more than workplace experience. They provide a pathway to financial independence, build confidence, support professional growth and enable greater participation in the economy.

Building skills for future careers

Our commitment to youth development creates pathways into education, skills development and employment.

Through apprenticeship programmes across our factories, young people gain hands-on technical and vocational training, building practical skills and industry experience. Our bursary programme helps young people and employee dependants access tertiary education by reducing financial barriers and enabling them to pursue qualifications that can unlock future opportunities.

This commitment is further strengthened through the Unilever Level-Up Programme, delivered in partnership with universities. The platform provides students and young people with access to mentoring, coaching, personal and professional development opportunities, and pathways to work, volunteering and career readiness.

Creating lasting impact

By investing in education, skills development, disability inclusion, youth employment and entrepreneurship, we are expanding opportunities for young people and strengthening communities.

Every learner, apprentice, intern, bursary recipient and YES participant represents a step towards improved livelihoods, greater economic inclusion and a more resilient future.

”Lasting impact happens when opportunity is intentional. Every learner, apprentice, bursary recipient and YES participant represents more than a number; they represent a young person gaining the skills, experience and confidence to participate in the economy, support their family and contribute to South Africa’s future,” says Mdletshe.

Together, these initiatives reflect our commitment to equipping young people with the skills, experience and opportunities they need to succeed and thrive, while helping to build a more inclusive and prosperous South Africa.

Building a More Circular, Inclusive and Resilient Future

For Unilever Southern Africa, sustainability is not a separate agenda from growth; it is central to how the business builds resilience, strengthens trust and creates long-term value. Across South Africa and the wider region, the company is focusing its efforts where it can have the greatest impact: advancing plastics circularity, strengthening local supplier ecosystems and expanding livelihood opportunities for young people, women and communities.

Partnership as the Engine of Progress

Delivering this agenda requires collaboration across the full value chain. Government, retailers, suppliers, training institutions, Producer Responsibility Organisations, NGOs and communities each bring different capabilities to the table.

No single organisation can solve systemic challenges such as plastic waste, youth unemployment or supply chain vulnerability alone. “Sustainability is essential to performance,” says Cloete. “Progress depends on strong partnerships across government, retailers, suppliers, NGOs and communities, with a focus on measurable outcomes that have systemic impact.”

For Unilever, this means building partnerships that are both commercially viable and socially meaningful, ensuring initiatives can be sustained over time and scaled where they deliver real impact.

Turning Commitments into Measurable Impact

During the first half of 2026, Unilever Southern Africa advanced this sustainability agenda through practical action on plastics circularity, partner-led collection, improved recycling infrastructure, packaging enhancements, reuse and refill innovation, and more disciplined reporting. These efforts are helping to reduce environmental impact while supporting more responsible packaging outcomes and stronger circular economy systems.

Importantly, the company’s work on circularity is also creating tangible human impact. Through plastics collection and participation in the circular economy, Unilever Southern Africa has helped enable more than 1 500 income-generation opportunities for young people, women and waste reclaimers. This demonstrates how environmental action can also contribute to inclusive economic participation when communities are actively included in the value chain.

One example of this integrated approach was EmpowaYouth Week 2026 in Sebokeng, Gauteng. The week-long event reached 10 000 young people and brought together partners across sustainability, enterprise development, youth empowerment and producer responsibility. It helped position the green economy as a credible source of opportunity in communities facing high unemployment, while enabling more than 700 immediate job opportunities for youth.

Together, these interventions show how Unilever is seeking to connect environmental progress with economic participation. Plastics collection can create income, enterprise partnerships can build local capability and youth programmes can provide a first foothold in the labour market.

The common thread is the development of initiatives that deliver measurable value for communities while supporting the long-term sustainability of the business.

Why the EFF remains the home of South Africa’s revolutionary youth

Youth month is a stark reminder that change is possible and can be driven and achieved by young people. That is why the EFF remains committed to leading with young people, writes Julius Malema.

June serves as a permanent reminder that the youth of South Africa must never be spectators in the struggle for justice, freedom, and economic emancipation. The generation of 1976 taught us that meaningful change is driven by young people who are prepared to lead from the front, challenge injustice, and refuse to accept the status quo. It is this revolutionary spirit that continues to guide the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) as we march to the rhythm set by the youth of Soweto, who understood that the future belongs to those courageous enough to fight for it.

The generation of 1976 marched towards Pretoria because they understood where power was located. Laws that dispossessed black people were made in Pretoria. The pass laws were administered from Pretoria. The 1913 Land Act was enforced from Pretoria. Bantu Education was designed and defended from Pretoria. The

students knew that if they wanted change, they had to challenge power directly.

Political freedom without economic freedom leaves millions trapped in poverty. South Africa may have democratic institutions, but millions of young people still wake up every morning without work, without opportunity and without hope. Youth unemployment remains one of the greatest crises facing our nation. An entire generation is being produced only to enter what can only be described as a factory of unemployment.

South Africa is one of the most resource-rich countries in the world. We possess vast mineral wealth. Yet we continue to export raw materials while importing finished products. We send jobs overseas and then wonder why unemployment grows. Despite the EFF advocating for nationalisation of mines, the ANC government continues to export chrome, coal and other minerals in their raw form instead of building industries that process them locally.

Industrialisation and beneficiation are not abstract economic concepts, they are practical tools that the EFF knows will lead to job creation. If the government were serious about youth unemployment, it would place industrial development at the centre of economic policy.

The same principle applies to public services. The EFF is against high electricitytariffs that continue to burden the poor. Pensioners and social grant recipients should be exempt from paying for electricity because once a person is already dependent on the state, how are they expected to possess additional funds needed for electricity. The poor pay the highest price for government failure. They spend hours searching for water. They sit in darkness during power outages and carry the burden of a state that increasingly struggles to provide basic services.

Yet perhaps no issue better reflects the unfinished struggle of 1976 than education. The right to education should not depend on a family’s income. Education is not a luxury. It is not a privilege reserved for those who can afford it. It is a fundamental right. When the EFF speaks about free education, we mean more than tuition fees. Free education includes uniforms, books, meals, accommodation, and access to technology. A child cannot learn effectively when they are hungry. A student cannot succeed at university without decent accommodation and reliable internet access.

In the digital age, access to information is as important as access to classrooms. Free Wi-Fi and affordable data are no longer optional. They are essential tools of learning and participation. This is why the EFF continues to assert that ‘Data Must Fall’ because information is increasingly accessed through digital platforms and to deny young people access to connectivity is to deny them access to opportunity itself.

The struggle for dignity must also extend beyond education and employment. South Africa continues to face an epidemic of violence against women and children. A society cannot call itself free when women live in fear. It cannot claim progress when children are exposed to abuse in their homes and communities. The protection of women and children is not a secondary issue. It is central to building a just society.

The youth of 1976 also understood the destructive impact of alcohol on black communities. They challenged social conditions that weakened families and destroyed potential. Today, the abuse of alcohol continues to contribute to violence, poverty and social instability. Responsible leadership requires confronting these realities honestly rather than allowing commercial interests to dictate public policy.

As the EFF we are against the advertising of alcohol precisely because it projects a falsehood and perpetuates a narrative that is incorrect.

We do not see effects of excessive use of alcohol and our people are not deterred from over consumption. This is why we encourage our people, particularly the youth to stay away from alcohol especially if it leads to making regrettable decisions.

The spirit of June 16 was never narrow or exclusionary. It was rooted in solidarity. That same spirit should inform our relationship with the rest of the African continent.

South Africa cannot isolate itself from Africa. The struggles of the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Somalia, and elsewhere are connected to our own aspirations for peace, development, and dignity. Africa’s future depends on unity rather than division.

As youth month draws to an end, the EFF continues to run with the baton that leads to the alignment of political and economic freedom. We remain the only organisation that is actively seeking young voters because we will never minimise the role of young people in this country.

The EFF wants young people registered and ready to vote out a government who is led by a president that hides foreign currency in his sofas.

We want young people to be in the forefront of change, to exercise their democratic right on 4 November and vote corrupt leaders in their municipalities out. They must replace them with EFF leaders as those are the leaders who will deliver services to them.

Youth month is a stark reminder that change is possible and can be driven and achieved by young people. That is why the EFF remains committed to leading with young people.

Julius Malema is the CIC and President of the Economic Freedom Fighters.

SA’s unfinished project: honouring the vision of the Constitution at 30

As South Africa marks 30 years since the signing of its Constitution, Mbhazima Shilowa reflects on the gains and failures of the democratic era–and calls on all South Africans to move beyond commemoration and recommit to the unfinished work of building a united, just, and prosperous nation its founders envisioned

On 10 December 1996, a few days after the Constitutional Court certified that the final Constitution complied with the constitutional principles agreed upon during the Codesa multiparty negotiations, then President Nelson Mandela signed it into law.

It was more than a legal act. It was a declaration of intent. A nation emerging from centuries of exclusion, conflict, and injustice was making a promise to itself and to future generations.

The promise was not that South Africa would become perfect overnight. The promise was that never again would race determine citizenship, dignity, or opportunity.

The promise was that every person would enjoy equal protection before the law. That diversity would not be feared but embraced. The government would derive its authority from the people and remain accountable to them. In the words of the Freedom Charter, the people would govern.

For the first time in the history of our country, freedom, dignity, equality, and justice would belong to all who live in South Africa, united in our diversity.

As we celebrate the 30th anniversary of the adoption of our Constitution, it is worth reflecting not only on the document itself, but on the extraordinary vision that gave birth to it.

There was a moment in South Africa when the impossible felt possible. Not because we were naïve. Not because the wounds of the past were shallow. But because, for a brief and extraordinary period, we chose the country over vengeance, the future over bitterness, and nation-building over tribal triumph.

We were not merely changing governments. We were attempting something far more ambitious–to build a united, democratic non-racial, non-sexist and a prosperous constitutional democracy from the ashes of centuries of division.

The foundation

Against all odds, we began. The Constitution became the foundation of that vision. It established a democratic state founded on human dignity, equality, and freedom.

It sought to balance majority rule with the protection of individual rights. It created institutions designed to safeguard democracy and ensure that power would never again be exercised without restraint or accountability.

Most importantly, it provided a common framework for former enemies to become fellow citizens. The Constitution did not erase our differences. It gave us a way to live with them. For a time, the promise seemed within reach.

Public discourse often focuses, understandably, on what remains undone. Yet an honest assessment of the democratic era requires us to also acknowledge how much has been achieved.

We dismantled racist laws. Millions of households gained access to electricity. Millions more gained access to clean water and sanitation. Schools, clinics, roads, and housing developments reached communities that had long been neglected. Social grants became a vital safety net for vulnerable households.

Universities and workplaces became more representative of the country they served. A black professional and entrepreneurial class emerged at a scale unimaginable under apartheid.

These achievements do not erase poverty, inequality, or unemployment. Nor do they excuse failures of governance, corruption, or state capture. But they remind us that progress and disappointment can exist simultaneously.

A nation can move forward and fall short at the same time. Recognising the gains of democracy is not an act of complacency. It is an act of honesty. Because if we cannot acknowledge what has worked, we will struggle to understand what went wrong–and how to fix it.

The world admired South Africa not because we were perfect, but because we had chosen reconstruction over destruction. We had chosen hope over revenge.

Lost along the way

Yet somewhere along the journey, we lost our way.

Corruption weakened institutions. State capture eroded trust. Economic growth stagnated. Unemployment deepened especially among women and the youth. Crime and inequality flourished in the cracks.

As afrustration grew, so too did division.

We retreated into smaller identities–race, ethnic groups, class, nationality, and ideology. We stopped speaking enough about what unites us and became consumed by what divides us.

As we celebrate 30 years of our Constitution, we should resist the temptation to view it merely as a legal document. The Constitution was never intended to be a monument. It was intended to be a project. A living commitment to building a united, democratic, and prosperous society.

Its vision remains unfinished. The challenge before this generation is not simply to commemorate the Constitution, but to honour it.

We must translate its values into functioning schools, safe communities, ethical leadership, economic opportunity, and shared prosperity. We must build an economy that provides jobs, reduces unemployment and inequality, and provides social and economic infrastructure. We must restore confidence in public institutions and deal decisively with all forms of corruption wherever it appears. Most importantly, we must reject and condemn the politics of division and resentment. The Constitution enjoins us to ensure that every South African see themselves as part of the future of this country.

Ultimately, constitutions do not change nations on their own–people do. That is the great task before us as we mark this important anniversary. Not merely to remember the South Africa we imagined in 1996, but to complete the work of building it. To provide hope where there is despair.

The dream of a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, and prosperous South Africa does not belong to one political party, one race or one generation. It belongs to all of us.

Thirty years later, the promise contained in the Constitution is worth fighting for. It is realisable, if only all of us put shoulder to the wheel.

Mbhazima Shilowa is the former premier of Gauteng and former general-secretary of Cosatu.

This article originally appeared on News24 and is published with permission.

Thembi Msane: a voice for economic justice and a generation determined to transform South Africa

EFF spokesperson Thembi Msane reflects on economic justice, youth empowerment and why leadership must translate political freedom into meaningful opportunity for all South Africans

Politics is more than a contest of ideas for Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) spokesperson Thembi Msane. It is about people, justice and creating a South Africa where every citizen has the opportunity to succeed.

While many political leaders find their calling later in life, Msane’s journey began in childhood. Her early experiences, strong family values and professional career shaped a leader who believes lasting change requires courage, conviction and a willingness to challenge systems that continue to exclude millions of South Africans.

Today, Msane has emerged as one of South Africa’s most recognisable young political voices. Calm under pressure and confident in public debate, she speaks openly about unemployment, poverty, inequality and the pace of economic transformation. Whether people agree with her political views or not, her willingness to engage difficult national conversations has established her as one of a new generation of leaders helping shape South Africa’s democracy.

Humble beginnings

Msane’s understanding of leadership was formed long before she entered politics. Growing up in Katlehong during the final years of apartheid exposed her to a community marked by political violence and uncertainty. She witnessed first-hand how political decisions affected ordinary families, shaping her belief that leadership is about standing alongside communities during difficult times rather than simply holding positions of authority.

Recognising the instability around them, her parents later moved the family to a quieter area. The move provided greater security, but it also sharpened her awareness of inequality as she saw the stark contrast between different communities and the opportunities available to them.

Raised within a large extended family, Msane spent much of her childhood with her grandmother while learning from parents, aunts, uncles and older cousins. The experience taught her patience, resilience and the importance of listening to different perspectives before making decisions. Those lessons continue to influence her leadership style today.

Education was central to family life. Her father believed it was one of the most powerful tools available to young black South Africans, but he encouraged his children to think beyond employment. His ambition was for them to become entrepreneurs and employers who could create opportunities for others.

Through his work in construction, farming, manufacturing and property development, Msane was introduced to business leadership from an early age. She came to understand that political freedom alone could not guarantee prosperity without meaningful economic participation, an idea that would later become central to her political philosophy.

Developing leadership

Like many young South Africans, Msane viewed education as both an opportunity and a responsibility. While studying, she became actively involved in student leadership and community initiatives, developing the confidence to lead and the conviction that young people have the power to influence positive change.

Even before entering politics, she saw leadership as an act of service rather than status. That philosophy remained with her as she qualified and worked as a civil engineering technician, a profession that provided another perspective on South Africa’s economic landscape.

Working in infrastructure exposed both the opportunities available within the sector and the barriers many young black professionals still encountered. Despite the gains of democracy, she saw unequal access to opportunity and economic participation remain a reality for many South Africans. Those experiences reinforced questions that had followed her since childhood. Why were talented young people still excluded from meaningful economic advancement? Why had political freedom not translated into widespread economic equality?

Political consciousness blooms

Seeking answers to those questions eventually led Msane into organised politics. For her, entering public life was never about personal ambition or recognition. It was about contributing to solutions for the structural challenges she believes continue to limit South Africa’s progress.

Her political journey transformed her from an engineer passionate about social justice into one of the country’s most recognised young political figures. Along the way, she also became a strong advocate for greater female representation in leadership.

Although South Africa has made significant progress in advancing women into positions of influence, Msane believes genuine equality remains a work in progress. Women, she argues, are still required to prove themselves more often than their male counterparts, particularly in politics, where public scrutiny is relentless.

A woman in leadership

Despite these challenges, Msane remains optimistic. She points to the growing number of young women making their mark in politics, business and civil society as evidence that leadership is becoming more representative.

She readily acknowledges the women who paved the way, particularly those who fought for equality during apartheid and South Africa’s democratic transition. Figures such as Winnie Madikizela-Mandela demonstrated extraordinary resilience under immense pressure, creating opportunities for future generations of women leaders.

For Msane, however, representation is only part of the solution. Women should not occupy leadership roles simply to satisfy quotas or symbolism. They should be trusted with meaningful responsibilities and recognised for their ability to influence important decisions.

Her own career reflects that principle. By tackling complex national issues and participating confidently in public debate, she hopes to demonstrate that leadership is open to anyone prepared to serve with commitment, integrity and purpose.

Breaking the digital divide

The rise of digital technology has transformed the relationship between political leaders and the public. According to Msane, social media has made politics more accessible, particularly for younger South Africans who can now engage with national issues without attending political meetings or relying solely on traditional media.

Digital platforms have expanded access to information, enabling citizens to follow government decisions, participate in public debate and hold leaders accountable in real time. Young people, in particular, are increasingly using these tools to educate themselves, organise campaigns and amplify their voices.

Msane also recognises the risks. Misinformation spreads rapidly online, while political discussions can easily become polarised and hostile. She believes political leaders have a responsibility to communicate honestly and responsibly, using digital platforms to inform rather than inflame. At the same time, citizens must develop the critical thinking skills needed to distinguish fact from opinion.

Despite embracing digital engagement, Msane does not believe technology can replace personal interaction. South Africa remains a country where many communities still have limited access to reliable internet and digital infrastructure. Effective leadership therefore requires more than an online presence. It demands time spent in communities, listening to people’s concerns, understanding local realities and maintaining genuine connections with the citizens leaders are elected to serve.

Honest reflection, 32 years after democracy

More than three decades into South Africa’s democratic journey, Msane believes the country stands at a defining moment. While constitutional freedoms, democratic institutions and improved access to education represent undeniable progress, millions of South Africans continue to face poverty, unemployment and inequality.

She believes these realities demand honest reflection rather than complacency. South Africans, she argues, must ask whether democracy has delivered equally for everyone and whether existing policies are doing enough to address the country’s most pressing challenges.

For Msane, leadership means confronting uncomfortable truths instead of avoiding them. Conversations about economic transformation, inequality and social justice should not divide the nation but encourage collaboration in building a more inclusive society. South Africa, she believes, has enormous potential, but unlocking it will require bold leadership, responsible governance and active citizen participation.

Ultimately, she argues, the country’s future will not be shaped by elected leaders alone. Ordinary South Africans also have a responsibility to strengthen their communities and contribute to meaningful change.

A legacy for future generations

For Msane, success is measured not by titles or political office but by the impact a leader leaves behind. Her ambition is to help build a South Africa where opportunity is determined by talent, hard work and determination rather than race, background or financial circumstances.

Central to that vision is education. She believes every child should have access to quality education and opportunities for personal development, regardless of where they are born or the financial position of their family. Education, however, should do more than prepare young people for employment. It should encourage innovation, entrepreneurship, creativity and critical thinking, equipping graduates to build businesses, create jobs and solve problems within their own communities.

Msane also believes stronger local economies are essential to reducing inequality. Communities thrive when entrepreneurship is supported, local businesses grow and employment opportunities are created. Achieving this, she says, requires collaboration between government, business and civil society.

Leadership, in her view, begins long before people enter politics or business. It starts in families, schools and communities where values such as honesty, discipline, compassion and responsibility are nurtured. Parents, teachers and community leaders all play a role in developing the ethical leaders South Africa will need in the future.

Although youth unemployment and limited economic opportunities remain significant challenges, Msane believes they can be overcome through responsible leadership, long-term planning and collective effort. Rather than allowing frustration to turn into hopelessness, she encourages young South Africans to become active participants in shaping the country’s future through education, entrepreneurship, community service and public leadership.

She understands the frustrations many young people feel because they reflect many of the experiences that shaped her own journey. Yet she remains convinced that lasting change is possible when citizens refuse to give up on South Africa’s future.

Looking ahead

Msane hopes to see a South Africa where justice and opportunity exist side by side, where economic growth benefits every citizen, women participate equally in leadership and young people can build successful futures without leaving their communities behind.

Whether one agrees with the policies of the Economic Freedom Fighters or not, she represents an important voice in South Africa’s democratic conversation. She challenges citizens to think critically about equality, justice and economic inclusion while asking difficult questions about the country’s future.

Leadership, she believes, is rarely about providing easy answers. It is about asking the questions others are reluctant to ask and inspiring people to imagine something better. Throughout her career, Msane has remained committed to those ideals, arguing that South Africa’s greatest strength lies not only in its institutions or natural resources but in the resilience, determination and potential of its people.

As part of a new generation of political leaders, she refuses to accept that inequality is inevitable or that meaningful progress must come slowly. Instead, she believes South Africa can move forward through bold ideas, accountable leadership and active citizen participation.

Her story is ultimately about more than politics. It is about purpose, perseverance and the belief that every generation has a responsibility to leave society stronger than it found it. Whether addressing Parliament, engaging with communities or speaking to young South Africans, Thembi Msane continues to advocate for a country where freedom is matched by opportunity, justice leads to prosperity and every citizen has the chance to contribute to a better future.

In a nation still navigating the complexities of democracy, voices such as hers will continue to shape important national conversations. For Msane, the vision remains clear: a South Africa that belongs equally to all who live in it, where leadership is measured not by power but by service, and where the promise of democracy is fulfilled through dignity, opportunity and hope.

Nasiphi Ndevu is Head of Research at Frank Dialogue Holdings.

 My Boss, Mrs Mandela: Walking with God, Serving Mam’ Winnie

Leadership is delighted to publish an excerpt from Zodwa Zwane and Bonga Percy Vilakazi’s book, ‘My Boss, Mrs Mandela: Walking with God, Serving Mam’ Winnie’.

CHAPTER 23

Tata Weakens

It was around June 2013, that I heard about Tata’s declining health.

The news was everywhere.

He had already suffered multiple health scares and now required constant medical attention. On the morning of 22 June, he experienced another serious setback at his Houghton home. An emergency team from 1 Military Hospital in Pretoria dispatched an ambulance to rush him to Mediclinic Heart Hospital, but the ambulance broke down along the way. For 40 minutes, medical staff battled desperately in freezing temperatures to keep Tata alive.

Later, doctors revealed that his kidneys were functioning at around 50% and emphasised how fatal the delay could have been, insisting he should have been stabilised at the nearest hospital first. This shocking event served as a stark reminder of Tata’s mortality. It was a sobering thought that even a figure as extraordinary as Madiba could be let down by something as ordinary as a broken-down vehicle – something many South Africans were familiar with.

Mama, as I heard later, was furious about the incident, but of course I wasn’t around her to learn all the details. I was still dealing with my own unemployment difficulties.

Then one day, while attending a funeral in Atteridgeville, Pretoria, I received a call from Sis’ Zindzi. Stepping outside to answer, I heard her voice clearly. “I don’t know if you’ve heard, but Tata is in hospital. Please come and pray with us,” she asked gently.

As I was already in Pretoria, I agreed without hesitation. After attending the funeral, I arranged to be dropped off close to the hospital as per Sis’ Zindzi’s request, and she picked me up as promised.

When I arrived, Madiba’s family was already there. The room was heavy with tension and quiet reverence. Familiar faces were everywhere. What no one knew was that I had already absconded from Mama’s office in a huff and was no longer working for her. I had intentionally kept it to myself so that we didn’t attract unnecessary attention. Discretion was the name of the game. I always made sure that everything remained confidential.

As I was approaching everyone to greet them, Mama walked in alongside Mam’ Graça, Tata’s wife. They’d just seen Tata in his room.

Mama called Graça “Little Sister”, and she called Mama “Big Sister”.

Before anything could unfold, Mama pulled me aside, grabbing my arm with urgency. The moment reminded me of how Mam’ Gobhozi (played by the late Ruth Cele in Hlala Kwabafileyo, an old SABC drama series) would pull someone close for a gossip session not meant for other ears.

“Zodwa,” she whispered, “don’t let Graça or anyone else know that you’ve left my office. Don’t say anything to anyone. Please, I don’t want people to know my business!”

I nodded in agreement, indulging her pretence of normality. I always played along in an effort for Mama to look good. And lo and behold, as expected, Mam’ Graça walked excitedly towards me and asked where I’d been and why I hadn’t arrived at the hospital earlier.

I lied and told her I’d been so busy at the office that I hadn’t had time to come to the hospital to see Tata. I told her I was here now and that’s all that mattered.

She appeared to believe me, but I could feel Mama’s sharp eyes on me, ensuring that I stuck to the script she had dictated.

I repeated the same story to anyone else who asked, carrying it off with ease. Later, I saw myself on TV, walking alongside Mama and Mam’ Graça as part of the entourage. To the world, it looked like I’d never left Mama’s side, like I was still her trusted assistant.

That same day, I accompanied Mama and the family to a meeting with then-president Jacob Zuma at Mahlamba Ndlopfu, his official residence. It felt strange, as though the last few weeks had never happened, as if I’d never walked out in sorrow, hurt and frustration.

When we returned, I was in the car with Mama, and for the first time the air between us felt calm. Neither of us said much, but there was an unspoken agreement between us that bygones would be bygones–at least for now. Then she turned to me and said, “Come back to the office tomorrow.”

There was no command in her voice this time. Just steadiness, an insistence and a vulnerability.

Zodwa Zwane and Bonga Percy Vilakazi are the authors of ‘My Boss, Mrs Mandela: Walking with God, Serving Mam’ Winnie’.

Press freedom at lowest level in 25 years amid growing authoritarian pressure

World Press Freedom Index, which assessed 180 countries, finds established journalism is ‘being asphyxiated’, writes Michael Savage

Press freedom around the world is at its lowest ebb in a generation, according to an influential annual index that highlights growing authoritarian pressure on the media.

The average score for the 180 countries assessed by the World Press Freedom Index, compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), was the lowest in the index’s 25-year history.

For the first time, more than half of all countries were placed in the “difficult” or “very serious” categories for press freedom.

While a fifth of the global population lived in a country where press freedom was categorised as “good” in 2002, that has now fallen to less than 1% of the world’s population.

The study found that a dramatic expansion of “restrictive legal arsenals” used by governments around the world, particularly in their use of national security laws, was impinging on the rights of the free press. RSF said press freedom had been declining over the 25-year period its index covered. It found declines in many democratic countries, warning that journalism was being “increasingly criminalised”.

It said political hostility to the press was combining with an increasingly difficult business model for media outlets, leading to established journalism “being asphyxiated”.

Donald Trump’s repeated attacks on the press and journalists were described as a “systematic policy”, pushing the US down to 64th place in the index and fuelling a decline across the American continents.

Meanwhile, Vladimir Putin was described as “a specialist in using laws designed to combat terrorism, separatism and extremism to restrict press freedom”. As of last month, it said Russia held 48 journalists behind bars.

Anne Bocandé, the group’s editorial director, said the findings posed a simple question. “How much longer will we tolerate the suffocation of journalism, the systematic obstruction of reporters and the continued erosion of press freedom?” she said.

“Authoritarian states, complicit or incompetent political powers, predatory economic actors and under-regulated online platforms are directly and overwhelmingly responsible for the global decline in press freedom.

“Given this context, inaction is a form of endorsement. It’s no longer enough just to state principles – effective measures to protect journalists are essential and must be seen as a catalyst for change.

“This starts with ending the criminalisation of journalism: the misuse of national security laws, Slapps [strategic lawsuits against public participation] and the systematic obstruction of those who investigate, expose and name names.”

The survey’s assessment of legal restrictions on the press recorded the biggest decline of any category. Attempts to circumvent press laws or the misuse of emergency legislation were cited in the decline of media freedom in more than 60% of states, including Egypt, Georgia, India, and Israel. It also highlighted the impact of war. Since October 2023, it said more than 220 journalists had been killed in Gaza, including at least 70 killed while carrying out their work. Similar issues were found in Sudan and South Sudan.

The Trump administration’s decision to cut off funding to the US Agency for Global Media had “global repercussions”, it said. The decision led to the closure, suspension or significant downsizing of organisations including Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and Radio Free Asia in countries with limited access to reliable information.

It said presidents Javier Milei in Argentina and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador had “taken their cue from the White House in their approach to the media”, with both countries recording significant declines in press freedom.

It also cited the murder of journalists by organised crime in Ecuador and Peru. The UK ranked 18th overall, up two places on last year. However, the analysis raised concerns about the 2024 stabbing in London of a journalist working for Iran International. Previous safety concerns have been raised about exiled Iranian journalists working in the UK.

RSF also noted a rise in online abuse in Britain and the physical safety of journalists covering public disorder. It criticised the government’s shelving of a crackdown on the use of lawfare against publishers.

Proposals to tighten laws against Slapps were dropped from the government’s immediate plans.

Norway came top of the index for the 10th year in a row, and Eritrea came last for the third consecutive year. The most improved country was post-Assad Syria, which moved up 36 places.

The study came as news organisations including the Guardian, the BBC, CNN, and the New York Times issued a joint state mentreiterating their plea for Israel to lift its ban on foreign journalists independently entering Gaza. Restrictions imposed when the war began in October 2023 remain in place.

The outlets said the ban “has pushed the responsibility for covering this devastating war and its aftermath almost entirely on our Palestinian colleagues... they should not have to shoulder this burden alone, and they should be protected”.

Michael Savage

Misinformation is coming for the anti-HIV jab. Let’s get ahead of it.

A new HIV prevention injection could change the course of the epidemic–but only if people trust it. Research shows we can pre‑empt the false claims already forming around it. The window is open now. Brendan Maughan-Brown investigates...

On your morning social media scroll, I’m sure you’ve already seen posts doing what they do best: spreading information that makes you wonder, “Wow, is that really true?” It might even have been on a frequent subject of misinformation: health.

Maybe it was a personal story about someone’s sister or neighbour becoming sick after getting the COVID vaccine. Or a post claiming a medication causes the very condition it was designed to prevent. Warnings shared thousands of times by people who are scared or confused, not malicious.

This is the information environment into which the new HIV prevention medication, lenacapavir, or LEN–the extraordinary twice-a-year injection that essentially eliminates the risk of getting HIV–is being introduced. Yet the excitement that we now have a pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) product (medicine that prevents someone from getting infected with a germ like HIV before they get exposed to it) with the potential to stop the virus in its tracks doesn’t mean anything if people won’t take it.

I’ve spent years studying health behaviour and know that take-up is never guaranteed, even when a health product is very effective and widely available. The gap between what a product can do and what communities actually do with it is where a large part of the fight against epidemics is lost. Misinformation is one of the main culprits in creating this gap.

Getting ahead of misinformation on social media about LEN is one way we can help to ensure its success. And new research that my colleagues Alison Buttenheim, Harsha Thirumurthy and I have just completed with Indlela, the behavioural science unit at Wits University’s Health Economics and Epidemiology Research Office (HE²RO), provides a promising way to do just that.

What we found

In a paper we published in BMJ Global Health earlier this year, we mapped the landscape of emerging concerns and false claims already beginning to circulate about a future HIV vaccine. We found recurring claims, including that HIV prevention tools are designed to harm specific populations; that they cause the conditions they’re meant to prevent; that their side effects are catastrophic and concealed.

But which ones would prevent a young woman from taking HIV prevention products? The results of our online survey, in which 188 young South African women rated 54 misinformation claims, surprised us.

We assumed beliefs that the vaccine could infect someone with HIV and other conspiracy theories would be more prominent; claims that a future HIV vaccine was engineered by foreign governments to sterilise Black women, for instance. But fears about catastrophic, terminal physical harm were what topped the list: that it “will kill you” and claims about liver, kidney and heart failure, bone marrow damage and cancer.

Why safety fears hit hardest

These findings align with a broader pattern we know from this age of vaccine hesitancy, itself driven by misinformation, and amplified during COVID-19. Safety fears were among the primary drivers of COVID-19 vaccine refusal; research in South Africa found that nearly 40% of those most resistant to the COVID-19 vaccine believed it could be fatal.

This belief is partly a product of scale: when tens of millions of people are vaccinated over a short period, some deaths unrelated to the vaccine will inevitably happen shortly afterwards. Those coincidences become stories. Stories become posts. Posts become things that people see and share with others. The thing that a young woman hears from her friend or her aunt. And you can’t quite unhear it.

Once misinformation takes hold, it is very difficult to dislodge even after repeated debunking. That’s just how human brains work. We process stories and emotional experiences far more powerfully than corrections. A vivid, frightening claim lodges in memory in a way that a later rebuttal simply cannot displace.

LEN has a few features that will make it particularly vulnerable to misinformation. One of the biggest worries researchers like myself and others have is that people will think of LEN as a vaccine–after all, it is an injection you take to prevent a disease. That’s a vaccine, right? But LEN is PrEP, and it works completely differently to a vaccine. A vaccine trains your immune system to protect you from a disease by making antibodies; PrEP blocks HIV from entering your cells and only works for as long as someone takes it.

So, misinformation about vaccines in general could be layered onto other misinformation about LEN: compounded misinformation.

There is another feature that makes LEN especially vulnerable to misinformation or exaggeration: the injection can result in a visible nodule or bump under the skin. Most drug side effects are invisible–a headache, some nausea. This one can be photographed. I am genuinely worried about what happens when images of those nodules start circulating; just imagine the captions and the implications they will make that have nothing to do with clinical reality. Misinformation needs a grain of truth to hook onto. A visible lump under the skin is close to a perfect hook.

Getting ahead of the spread

Our team tested an approach called psychological inoculation, or pre-bunking, in order to make people less vulnerable to misinformation. We tested the approach with HIV vaccine misinformation because an HIV vaccine doesn’t yet exist, misinformation about it is emerging but hasn’t yet reached a point where many people have heard about it.

The psychological inoculation approach mirrors medical vaccination. You expose people to a weakened dose of misinformation by, for example, showing it in a context using humour that discredits the misinformation, alongside a clear explanation of the strategy used to manipulate attitudes, beliefs and behaviours before they encounter the misinformation in the real world. You are building cognitive antibodies–the mental tools that help recognise and counter false information.

We created 2.5-minute TikTok-style videos that featured the false claims along with an explanation of why the claims were false. In partnership with the production company Reel Epics, we co-created the videos through workshops with young women from an HIV service delivery organisation–who told us, bluntly, that our first scripts needed to be “deHarvardised”, stripped of academic language before anyone would watch them past the first five seconds.

In a trial with over 2 000 young South African women (18-29 years old), which is currently under review for publication, participants who watched the pre-bunking videos actually increased their intentions to accept a future HIV vaccine after seeing misinformation–while intentions among those who didn’t see the pre-bunking videos and only saw the misinformation were 13% lower than those who watched the video. Participants who saw the pre-bunking videos were also less likely to say they would share the misinformation if they encountered it on social media.

The videos reduced the credibility of the specific claims they targeted, as well as of other claims containing different misinformation. And when we followed up three weeks later, the group that saw the pre-bunking videos continued to report intentions of getting an HIV vaccine higher than those who hadn’t seen the videos.

Crucially, the videos worked best among participants who hadn’t received the COVID-19 vaccine–in other words, those already most hesitant to vaccinate–precisely the group most likely to be swayed by misinformation, and the group who therefore needs support to help ensure decisions about LEN are not biased by fake or misleading information.

Why this matters

Based on these results, we’ve already adapted the videos for LEN. The same format, the same persuasion technique framework. These videos are being shared on social media platforms by organisations promoting LEN, and are freely available for anyone to use. Now we’re in the early stages of a new study, squarely focused on LEN misinformation, that will extend our findings to a more diverse socioeconomic sample.

We know that two short videos, however well-designed, will not solve a misinformation crisis on their own. Scaling this kind of intervention to reach the women who most need LEN–those in communities where health conspiracy theories already have roots, those less connected to digital platforms, those whose decisions are shaped by what they see and hear in their immediate networks–will require serious investment and coordination.

The department of health, NGO partners, and community health workers all have roles to play, and they all need to recognise the need to act now and confront the threat of misinformation before it goes viral. I believe misinformation is one of the greatest threats to public health we face over the next decade. It doesn’t arrive after a product launches. It grows in the space between excitement and access, between announcement and take-up. The window for pre-bunking–before the false claims become entrenched–is open right now.

Brendan Maughan-Brown is the chief research officer at Saldru at the University of Cape Town and a behavioural science technical expert at Indlela at the Health Economics and Epidemiology Research Office (HE²RO), University of the Witwatersrand.

Girls in SA get free HPV jabs. Boys don’t. Find out why they should.

From throat and anal cancers to reduced fertility, the human papillomavirus poses serious risks to men that go largely undetected and unvaccinated. South Africa vaccinates girls, but boys are left out. Damian Naidoo, Kaymarlin Govender, and Joanne Mantell explore why.

A 40-year-old man walks into his doctor’s room with a lump in his throat. He doesn’t smoke. He barely drinks. He has no family history of cancer. What he does have is a common virus he’s never been tested for, never been warned about, and one that he never knew could lead to cancer.

This is not an unusual scenario.

It is happening in doctors’ rooms across South Africa and around the world. The virus is called human papillomavirus, or HPV. It is one of the most common sexually transmitted infections worldwide, and most individuals will be exposed to it at some point in their lives.

HPV infection is mostly talked about as a women’s issue because of its link to 95% of cervical cancer cases.

South Africa’s 2026-2030 strategy, which will soon be launched, acknowledges this link and aims to get girls vaccinated from the age of nine against HPV before they turn 15, according to the health department.

But men also get HPV–and boys, therefore, need to be vaccinated too.

Most men who have HPV don’t feel unwell or develop any symptoms. In many cases, the body clears HPV on its own within one to two years. But when it lingers, it can lead to serious health problems, including cancer.

Globally, about one in three men has at least one genital HPV type. And about one in five men carry one or more types of the virus that can cause cancer. These cancers can affect the penis, anus, and back of the throat.

One of the types of HPV which can cause cancer–HPV-16–is responsible for most HPV-driven genital and oral cancers in both men and women.

A simple HPV vaccination can prevent cancers and diseases caused by certain HPV types entirely, helping to curb such cancers in men which are rising worldwide. But, despite overwhelming evidence, boys and men are still largely excluded from HPV immunisation programmes in many countries, including South Africa.

How HPV affects men

HPV spreads through vaginal, oral, and anal sex, as well as skin-to-skin contact during intimacy. Condoms don’t always protect people from getting infected with HPV because the virus can infect areas, such as the scrotum, vulva, perineum, anus, and upper thighs, that condoms don’t cover.

Unlike for women in South Africa, men can’t get routine HPV-related cancer screening in the public sector.

Women who are 30 or older can get free cervical cancer screening (pap smear) once every ten years at a government clinic. Those with HIV, can get a more frequent pap smear every three years, starting at diagnosis, because they have a higher chance of getting HPV — and cervical cancer — because they have weaker immune systems than HIV-negative people.

But for men, it’s a different story.

HPV-related cancers are often detected late in males because no routine screening exists, leaving them vulnerable to cancers that are harder to treat. Some doctors may recommend an anal pap smear, which is normally offered to men who have receptive anal sex, because this type of sex makes it easier for HPV to enter the body by infecting the anal lining.

In the United States and other high-income countries, cancers of the throat caused by HPV in men are now more common than cervical cancer in women, mainly in unvaccinated males. The risk is even higher for men living with HIV, as HPV infections tend to last longer and are more likely to recur in people whose immune systems are already under strain.

HPV can also affect men in other ways. Research shows the virus can reduce fertility by damaging sperm, making it harder to conceive. There is also growing evidence linking HPV to prostate cancer, a disease that is rising rapidly: new cases are expected to rise by almost 65% between 2020 and 2040 worldwide.

The Problem

But boys and men are mostly excluded from HPV immunisation programmes, often because of the World Health Organisation’s recommendations on vaccinating girls aged 9–14 against HPV; it is recommended for males and older women when feasible and affordable so that it doesn’t divert resources from vaccinating the primary target population.

South Africa has a successful government-funded school vaccination programme for girls in both public and private schools between the ages of 9 and 14. This approach assumes that vaccinating girls will indirectly protect boys by reducing the spread of the virus, a concept known as herd immunity. This acts like a kind of community shield: if enough people are protected, the virus struggles to spread.

But relying on this strategy has serious gaps. Not everyone is vaccinated and viruses mutate, or change slightly over time, creating new versions, and thus protection wanes over time.

Leaving boys and men out doesn’t just miss an opportunity to prevent cancer, it raises questions about gender equity and sends the message that protecting men’s health matters less.

Right now, boys in South Africa can only get HPV vaccines through the private healthcare sector, where it’s expensive, ranging between R1 102 to R2 365 a shot, depending on which of the three available vaccines in the country they use, and how many doses they require. The vaccine is often not covered by medical aid schemes, and out of reach for many families.

Although cost is often given as a reason not to expand vaccination to boys, this short-term thinking ignores the much higher long-term economic and social costs of treating cancer, lost income, and preventable deaths.

Studies from other countries, such as China, show that vaccinating boys and men is not only effective but cost-effective. The study found vaccinating 14-year-old boys could avert up to 416 654 cancer cases.

South Africa has committed to giving everyone access to the same healthcare, regardless of how much they can pay, through the National Health Insurance Act. Protecting everyone from preventable diseases like HPV should be part of that promise.

Time to act

Many wealthy countries have adopted a gender-neutral HPV vaccination approach to curb the virus’s spread and reduce infections in men. This has led to the United Nations General Assembly supporting the inclusion of boys in HPV vaccination programmes globally.

Some African countries, including Cameroon and Mauritius, have already started moving in this direction, and Eswatini plans to follow in late 2026. Vaccinating both girls and boys offers two critical benefits. First, it protects both males and females directly from HPV-related diseases. Second, it reduces the virus’s spread across the entire population.

Research shows that vaccinating both boys and girls can achieve the same level of protection in eight years that would otherwise take 20 years if only girls are vaccinated.

HPV is not just a women’s issue. It is a men’s health issue, too–one that is often silent, but potentially life-threatening.

South Africa has made important progress, but it is time to go further. Expanding HPV vaccination to include males, increasing public awareness and updating national and global policies are critical next steps.

Ignoring men in HPV prevention is no longer an option.

Damian Naidoo is a public health researcher, formerly with the KwaZulu-Natal department of health; Kaymarlin Govender is public health scientist and the research director at HEARD, at the University of KwaZulu-Natal; and Joanne E. Mantell is a research scientist in the department of psychiatry at Columbia University Irving Medical Centre.

The missing middle: healthcare affordability must be engineered, not diluted

For the missing middle, the stakes are high,
but so is the opportunity, writes Kevin Aron

South Africa’s healthcare debate often focuses on two distinct but separate sectors: a resource-constrained public sector and a high-cost private system serving a relatively small share of the population. Yet the most pressing pressure point lies between these two extremes.

The “missing middle” – working individuals and families who earn too much to qualify for public healthcare support but too little to comfortably afford private medical scheme cover, is growing. And it is becoming one of the most consequential risks to the sustainability of the entire healthcare system.

According to industry data, only around 14-16% of South Africans have medical scheme cover, leaving the vast majority dependent on the State public system. This statistic masks a deeper structural issue: a gradual erosion of private cover among middle-income earners who are being priced out, not by choice, but by necessity. This is often framed as an affordability challenge. In reality, it is a system-level vulnerability with long-term consequences.

When members of the missing middle exit private cover, they do not disappear from the healthcare system. They shift into the public sector. The consequences extend beyond individual households. It shifts additional pressure onto a public system that already serves more than 84% of the population, while disrupting continuity of care and compromising long-term health outcomes. They often delay seeking care due to cost concerns, which leads to more complex and expensive health issues later. The result is a lose-lose scenario: poorer health outcomes for individuals and higher cumulative costs for the system.

It is a structural challenge that requires a deliberate and sustainable response. If left unaddressed, this dynamic will widen the gap between public and private healthcare, entrench inequality, and reduce overall system resilience.

Affordability without erosion

The instinctive response to rising healthcare costs is to reduce benefits or introduce more co-payments in order to keep contributions manageable. While this may provide short-term relief, it introduces long-term risk. Reduced benefits often lead to delayed diagnosis, unmanaged chronic conditions, and increased reliance on acute hospital care. What appears to be cost containment is, in many cases, simply cost deferral.

True affordability cannot be achieved by stripping back value. It must be engineered through smarter system design. For medical schemes, the challenge is not only to keep contributions competitive, but to preserve meaningful access to quality care over time. This requires a shift away from blunt cost-cutting toward more deliberate, data-driven approaches to value.

Rethinking how cover is structured

Traditional models of fixed contributions and standardised benefit options do not always align with the financial realities of the missing middle. Many households experience fluctuating income or competing financial priorities that make rigid pricing structures difficult to sustain.

More flexible contribution models, including income-sensitive approaches where feasible, can help align cost with affordability. At the same time, risk pooling and cross-subsidisation remain essential to ensuring that access is not compromised for those with greater healthcare needs.

The objective is not to create “cheaper” products, but to design options that are better matched to how people live and earn.

Smarter purchasing, better outcomes

Affordability is shaped as much by how care is purchased as by what members pay. Network-based models, in which schemes partner with selected providers that meet defined quality and cost criteria, offer a more predictable and coordinated approach to care delivery. These models can reduce unnecessary variation in pricing, limit duplication of services, and improve clinical outcomes.

Importantly, they demonstrate that cost control need not come at the expense of quality. When implemented effectively, they can achieve both.

Prevention is a financial strategy

Preventive care is often positioned as a clinical priority. It is equally a financial one.

Early detection and proactive management of conditions such as hypertension, diabetes, and high cholesterol significantly reduce the likelihood of costly complications later. Encouraging regular screenings, supporting treatment adherence, and enabling access to primary care are among the most effective ways to manage long-term costs.

For the missing middle, where every rand matters, preventing illness is one of the most powerful tools for maintaining affordability.

Aligning incentives across the system

One of the less visible drivers of rising healthcare costs is misaligned incentives. Providers are often reimbursed in ways that reward volume over value. Patients may not always have clear guidance on where to access the most appropriate care. Funders must balance cost containment with access. Bringing these elements into alignment is critical.

Providers should be incentivised to deliver efficient, high-quality care. Members should be empowered with information and support to make informed decisions. Schemes should structure benefits that encourage appropriate utilisation.

When incentives are aligned, waste is reduced, outcomes improve, and affordability becomes more achievable.

Innovation with purpose

Innovation in healthcare is frequently associated with new technologies or high-end treatments. But for the missing middle, innovation must be practical and purposeful.

This includes benefit designs that prioritise essential cover while maintaining access to quality hospital care, clearer care pathways that reduce unnecessary costs, and digital tools that improve access and convenience. Virtual consultations, for example, can lower barriers to primary care. Managed care programmes can support patients with chronic conditions more effectively. Data analytics can help identify risk earlier and intervene sooner.

These are not abstract concepts. They are tangible levers that can make healthcare more accessible and sustainable.

A shared responsibility

The missing middle is not a problem that medical schemes can solve in isolation. It reflects broader economic realities, including income inequality, employment patterns, and the rising cost of living.

Addressing it will require coordinated action across the healthcare ecosystem, including regulators, providers, employers, and policymakers. Medical schemes, however, have a critical role to play. Through risk management, care coordination, and value-based purchasing, they are uniquely positioned to drive meaningful change.

Closing the gap

The real risk is not simply that more people will lose access to private healthcare. It is expected that the divide between public and private systems will continue to widen, making equitable access to quality care increasingly difficult to achieve. Closing this gap requires a different mindset. Affordability cannot be treated as a trade-off against quality. It must be built into the system’s design.

For the missing middle, the stakes are high. But so is the opportunity. With the right interventions, South Africa can create a more inclusive, resilient healthcare system that delivers value without compromise.

Kevin Aron is the Principal Officer at Medshield Medical Scheme.

When the world shakes

Nasiphi Ndevu explores how rising oil prices, global tension, and uncertainty are testing South Africa’s economy.

 The global economy is going through a period of deep uncertainty, and recent discussions between experts like Michael Avery, Warwick Lucas, and Raymond Parsons reveal just how complex and fragile the situation has become. At the centre of this uncertainty is the rising cost of oil, ongoing tensions in the Middle East, and the way global markets are reacting. Even though oil prices have climbed above $100 a barrel, markets seem calm, almost too calm, which raises concerns among analysts. This calmness may not last, especially if the situation continues without a clear resolution. Prices in financial markets often reflect only what is happening now, but they do not always fully capture what could happen in the future. That is where the real risk lies.

Warwick Lucas points out that different markets are reacting in different ways. For example, the United States markets appear stronger, largely because of the influence of technology companies. Meanwhile, markets in Europe and emerging economies are under more pressure. This shows that not all economies are experiencing the same effects. Investors may be acting as if the current situation is temporary, but there is a growing fear that if the conflict continues, the impact could become much more serious. Prices could fall sharply if confidence drops, especially if demand begins to weaken.

At the same time, South Africa is facing its own challenges. One major concern is fuel supply. The country imports about 60% of its fuel, which makes it vulnerable to global disruptions. There has been some good news, as efforts are being made to source fuel from different regions, including West Africa, Asia, and the Atlantic Basin. This reduces dependence on the Gulf region, which is currently affected by geopolitical tension. However, there are still serious concerns about how prepared the country is for a prolonged crisis.

Raymond Parsons highlights an important issue: South Africa may not have enough buffer stock of fuel. Ideally, the country should have around 60 days of supply, but current estimates suggest there may only be about three weeks available. This creates a risky situation. If supply chains are disrupted or delayed, the country could face shortages. The idea of having no significant buffer stock is worrying, especially in a world where disruptions can happen quickly and without warning.

Another issue is the country’s decision over the years to reduce investment in oil refineries. This has led to greater reliance on imported refined fuel, such as diesel. While the system still works, it operates with very little room for error. It depends heavily on “just-in-time” delivery, which means fuel arrives exactly when it is needed. This approach can be efficient in stable conditions, but it becomes risky during global instability. If shipments are delayed, there is no backup to fall back on. Fuel is not just about transportation; it is essential for many parts of the economy. Farmers need diesel for tractors, businesses rely on generators during power outages, and transport systems depend on fuel to move goods. Any disruption can have wide effects across the economy. This is why energy security is becoming more important than ever.

Economic growth is another area of concern. The International Monetary Fund has lowered South Africa’s growth forecast to about 1%, while Standard & Poor’s has a slightly more positive outlook. These different views reflect the uncertainty that exists right now. Instead of making firm predictions, many institutions are offering different scenarios. There could be a best-case outcome where growth improves, or a worst-case scenario where the economy struggles or even stagnates.

This uncertainty is described as “radical uncertainty”, meaning that the future is very difficult to predict. In such situations, decision-makers must consider many possible outcomes rather than relying on a single forecast. This approach allows governments and businesses to prepare for different possibilities, but it also shows how unclear the path ahead really is.

Inflation is another challenge that is slowly building. While current inflation figures may not fully show the impact of rising fuel prices, this effect is expected to appear in future data. Economists predict that inflation could rise from around 3% to about 4% as fuel costs filter through the economy. The government has tried to soften the impact by reducing fuel levies, but this is only a temporary solution. Eventually, these costs will have to be passed on, and consumers will feel the pressure. There is also a debate about how the central bank should respond. The South African Reserve Bank is responsible for controlling inflation and supporting economic stability. Some people believe interest rates should be increased to control inflation, while others argue that raising rates too soon could slow down economic growth even more. This creates a difficult balancing act.

Raymond Parsons suggests that the best approach for now is to “wait and see”. This means carefully monitoring data before making any major decisions. Central banks around the world are taking a similar approach because the current situation is highly uncertain. Acting too quickly could do more harm than good, especially if inflation is being driven by external factors like global oil prices.

At the same time, there is a risk of “second-round effects”. This happens when initial price increases, such as higher fuel costs, lead to further increases in wages and other expenses. Once this cycle begins, inflation can become harder to control. If that happens, the central bank may have no choice but to take stronger action. Another concern is the possibility of stagflation, a situation where economic growth is slow, but inflation remains high. This is one of the worst scenarios for any economy because it limits the ability to improve living conditions while also increasing the cost of living. South Africa’s economy is already fragile, so avoiding this outcome is very important.

The discussion also touches on the strength of the rand, South Africa’s currency. Surprisingly, the rand has held up relatively well despite global uncertainty. This may be due to factors such as higher interest rates and support from commodity prices. However, this strength could be temporary if global conditions worsen. Local issues also play a role in the broader economic picture. For example, wage increases at Eskom raise questions about cost management and sustainability. If large increases continue without matching productivity gains, it could add further pressure to the economy. This highlights the need for structural reforms to improve efficiency and reduce costs.

Overall, the situation facing South Africa is complex and deeply connected to global events. Rising oil prices, supply chain disruptions, and geopolitical tensions all contribute to the challenges. At the same time, local factors such as energy security, economic policy, and infrastructure also play a critical role. One of the key lessons from this discussion is the importance of preparation. Countries need to build resilience by diversifying supply sources, maintaining adequate reserves, and investing in infrastructure. Relying on a single region or system can create vulnerabilities that are difficult to manage during crises.

Another important lesson is the need for careful decision-making. In times of uncertainty, it is tempting to act quickly, but this can lead to mistakes. A balanced approach that considers multiple scenarios and relies on accurate data is more likely to produce better outcomes. Communication is also essential. Clear and honest communication from leaders and institutions helps build trust and confidence. When people understand the challenges and the steps being taken to address them, they are more likely to remain calm and supportive.

Looking ahead, much will depend on how global tensions evolve. If the situation in the Middle East stabilizes, oil prices may ease, and markets could become more stable. However, if tensions escalate, the impact could be severe, not just for South Africa but for the entire world. For South Africa, the focus must be on strengthening its economy and reducing vulnerabilities. This includes improving energy security, supporting economic growth, and managing inflation carefully. While the challenges are significant, there are also opportunities to build a more resilient and sustainable future.

In the end, the current situation is a reminder that the global economy is deeply interconnected. Events in one part of the world can quickly affect others, and no country is completely isolated. By understanding these connections and preparing for uncertainty, South Africa can navigate these difficult times and work towards a more stable future.

Nasiphi Ndevu is the Head of Research at Frank Dialogue Holdings.

Leading through the storm

Nasiphi Ndevu explores how Lieutenant General Puleng Dimpane became the face of accountability in South African policing

South Africa’s policing system has entered one of the most closely watched periods in recent years following the appointment of Lieutenant General Puleng Dimpane as Acting National Commissioner of Police. At a time when public confidence in state institutions continues to face pressure from allegations of corruption, irregular expenditure, and governance failures, her appointment has become more than just a leadership change. For many South Africans, it represents a test of whether ethical leadership and accountability can still rise within institutions that have often struggled under the weight of controversy.

Her appointment follows the suspension of former National Commissioner General Fannie Masemola after allegations linked to irregular tender processes and procurement concerns surfaced. The controversy placed the leadership of the South African Police Service under intense scrutiny and renewed broader national conversations about accountability within public institutions. At the centre of these discussions was a tender involving police health services, which later became the subject of investigations and parliamentary oversight.

While the scandal itself drew public attention, Dimpane’s response to the situation quietly positioned her differently from many officials often associated with governance failures. During testimony before Parliament’s ad hoc committee, she stated that she had not been involved in awarding the controversial tenders. Instead, she explained that once concerns around the tender came to her attention, she acted within the responsibilities of her office. According to testimony now available in the public domain, she oversaw investigations into the matter, reported the issues to the Auditor-General of South Africa, and stopped further payments linked to the tender arrangement.

Those actions may sound administrative on the surface, but within the context of South Africa’s public sector environment, they carried significant weight. For years, South Africans have become accustomed to stories where irregular expenditure is ignored, accountability is delayed, or wrongdoing is protected through silence and political loyalty. In this case, however, Dimpane’s actions created the image of a leader willing to intervene rather than look away.

That distinction has become central to understanding why her appointment matters beyond policing alone. South Africa’s crisis of confidence in public institutions is not only about crime statistics or corruption scandals. It is also about leadership culture. Citizens increasingly question whether public officials act in the interests of the people or in protection of political and financial networks. Against this backdrop, leadership is no longer measured only through titles or authority, but through decisions made during moments of institutional pressure.

Dimpane’s rise reflects a broader shift in expectations around public leadership. Modern leadership, especially within government institutions, is increasingly judged by transparency, accountability, and ethical conduct rather than political symbolism. The acting commissioner now enters office carrying expectations not simply to manage police operations, but to help restore institutional credibility at a time when trust has become one of the country’s most valuable and fragile resources.

The South African Police Service remains one of the most important institutions in the country’s democratic system. It carries the responsibility of protecting communities, enforcing the law, and maintaining public order. Yet over the years, the organisation has repeatedly faced criticism over corruption allegations, political interference, leadership instability, and failures to address organised crime effectively. Public frustration has grown as violent crime