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  Powering cleaner mobility in Africa
  

  Valternative Energy’s value proposition is simple: zero‑emission mobility with predictable costs, backed by real infrastructure and people who show up every day
  

   Valternative Energy has emerged as one of South Africa’s most dynamic forces in clean mobility, reshaping how goods move, how people earn, and how cities prepare for an electrified future.
  

  At the helm is Chief Executive Officer M.I. Jeewa, known simply as M.I., a seasoned entrepreneur who spent two decades building The World Focus Group, a family-run business, before stepping into the green economy with a bold, future-focused vision.
  

  Grounded in grit, built on family foundations, and powered by a formidable executive team, M.I.’s leadership journey spans offloading containers at the Durban port to launching an electric fleet with key multinational partners. Today, Valternative operates the country’s largest electric two-wheel “swop and go” network, with over 1,000 electric motorbikes and ambitions to scale deployment and impact across the continent. The recent launch of 100 Uber Go electric vehicles in Gauteng is set to double in the coming months.
  

  The Valternative journey
  

  During his 20 years building the family-run business, M.I. gained deep experience in merchandise, logistics, operations, and understanding how businesses move goods efficiently.
  

  At the age of 20, M.I. stepped into a General Manager role, overseeing purchasing, sales, and operations across five stores. As the business expanded from retail into wholesale B2B, he moved into the role of Financial Director of The Foot Focus Group, a position he held for 17 years, before launching a local manufacturing facility alongside international imports and establishing a spin-off family entity, The World Focus Group. This period marked a decade of significant business growth..
  

  “Those years taught me how to build capable teams, understand market needs, translate international trends for local relevance, and manage complex import–export operations,” M.I. explains.
  

  “My transition into logistics—running short- and long-haul trucks across the country—exposed me to the realities of delivery and transport in South Africa. I saw first-hand the operational pressures riders and drivers face daily: high fuel costs, unreliable infrastructure, and unpredictable earnings.”
  

  The gap was clear. South Africa needed a cleaner, more affordable mobility solution that lowered barriers for riders and enabled businesses to scale without spiralling costs.
  

  “Valternative was built to meet that need,” he continues. “We created an end-to-end electric mobility ecosystem—from electric bikes and cars to battery-swap stations, software, data, and operational support.”
  

  “My brother Shiraz continued guiding The World Focus Group, allowing me to focus on Valternative, while still supporting strategy and planning. Together with my co-founders and our executive team, we built the foundation of the business. In a market where mobility directly affects livelihoods, we wanted to create a solution that expands opportunity, not limits it.”
  

  Valternative does not simply sell or lease vehicles—it delivers a fully integrated mobility ecosystem. Its infrastructure, operational model, and technology stack are designed to keep riders on the road and partners operational.
  

  Central to this capability is the Valt app, currently in Beta testing, which serves as the operational backbone of the business. Designed not only for internal management, the platform enables partners to access relevant performance data—creating a shared source of truth across mobility platforms, financiers, energy partners, and commercial clients. This transparency strengthens trust, improves decision-making, and allows the ecosystem to scale without friction.
  

  “Our differentiation lies in three things: reliability, data-backed performance, and operational excellence,” M.I. shares.
  

  “We built our first battery-swapping station in close collaboration with our suppliers, who remain critical partners in our value chain. Today, we operate the largest swap network for two-wheel electric mobility in the country.”
  

  As the business scaled, data became an increasingly important leadership tool.
  

  “In a distributed fleet environment, leadership without data becomes reactive,” M.I. explains. “Real-time insight allows us to manage availability, uptime, safety, and cost in a way that protects riders, partners, and the business.”
  

  “When global partners like Uber assess South Africa, they choose us because our systems are robust, our data is accurate, and our team delivers consistently.”
  

  The ups and downs of business
  

  One moment M.I. will never forget is when the first container of electric motorbikes landed.
  

  Standing alongside founding partners Shahil Maharaj, Ashik Mallgee, and Shikar Maharaj, the moment symbolised the Valternative journey: starting from the ground up, doing whatever the business required, and building momentum through action.
  

  “We grew from a small founding team with a bold idea to a national business supported by a strong leadership and executive team, alongside a committed board,” M.I. says.
  

  “In 2023, we launched with zero assets. Today, we operate over 1,000 electric bikes and more than 120 battery-swap stations strategically positioned along high-traffic retail and commercial routes.”
  

  Another major milestone has been Valternative’s partnership with Uber, which began with electric delivery bikes. In 2025, the introduction of electric cars into the Uber Go passenger offering demonstrated that South Africa can lead in clean transport innovation.
  

  “The electric car launch marked a significant turning point,” he adds. “It shifted us from building an ecosystem to actively reshaping mobility across delivery, ride-hailing, and soon, commercial fleet operations.”
  

  Building an industry that did not previously exist has come with enormous challenges—from infrastructure limitations and regulatory uncertainty to import complexities and financing hurdles.
  

  M.I. admits there were nights when the founding team was fixing stations themselves, resolving rider issues on the ground, and adjusting business models in real time.
  

  “We overcame every challenge the same way I always have: through grit, consistency, and refusing to give up,” he says.
  

  “A founder must do whatever the business needs—whether it is developing strategy or physically offloading a container. That mindset shaped our culture.”
  

  “Most importantly, we overcame challenges because of our people and our retail and commercial partners. Our leadership team is exceptional, and our board has played a vital role in guiding us through rapid scale.”
  

  Educating South Africa
  

  Electric mobility remains relatively new in South Africa, making education a core part of Valternative’s journey.
  

  The business has worked closely with riders, communities, delivery platforms, and policymakers to demonstrate the benefits of electric mobility—lower operating costs, reduced emissions, and improved reliability.
  

  “Once people see the data, the conversation shifts,” M.I. explains. “It moves from curiosity to confidence.”
  

  “The market’s response to our electric car launch has been overwhelmingly positive. It confirmed that South Africa is ready—and eager—for scalable electric mobility solutions. We are proud that the Valternative name is becoming synonymous with trusted, reliable electrified transport.”
  

  An electric leadership journey
  

  In a new and fast-evolving industry, leadership cannot be distant.
  

  “This environment requires agility,” M.I. says. “You must make decisions quickly, test solutions, and adapt without ego.”
  

  “Launching electric cars required a heightened level of leadership focus—balancing global partnerships with local operational readiness.”
  

  “My role is to create clarity, remove obstacles, and empower the team to execute with excellence.”
  

  His journey has reinforced one lesson above all: humility and resilience outweigh raw talent.
  

  “This journey has taught me that vision alone is not enough,” he reflects. “A leader needs perseverance to carry it, discipline to operationalise it, and a team strong enough to scale it.”
  

  “I’ve learned that great leaders build great leaders. Surrounding myself with a strong executive team and a supportive board has been one of my most important decisions.”
  

  “And no matter how far you go, never forget where you started. Those early moments shape the leader you become.”
  

  The future of Valternative Energy
  

  M.I. says the electric car launch was only the beginning. Over the next two years, Valternative plans to deploy more than 6,000 electric bikes and 1,000 electric cars, supporting ride-hailing, delivery, and commercial mobility.
  

  The business will continue expanding its battery-swapping network, improving access to clean, reliable transport across urban and peri-urban South Africa.
  

  The future of mobility, M.I. believes, will be shaped by two powerful forces: the growth of online food delivery and the expansion of last-mile logistics.
  

  “These sectors will continue to accelerate,” he says. “Valternative is uniquely positioned to power this growth with scalable, zero-emission mobility.”
  

  “We see Valternative becoming one of Africa’s leading electrified mobility ecosystems—creating jobs, lowering transport costs, and contributing to national environmental objectives.”
  

  “My hope is that South Africa embraces this moment. We have the talent, innovation, and entrepreneurial drive to lead Africa in clean mobility. Alignment across industry and government will be critical—and that momentum is already building.”
  

   

  
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  The ANC’s decline in context–the perils of incumbency
  

  This paper aims to contextualise the decline of the African National Congress (ANC). The decline in this article refers to a decrease in political influence and electoral support. In this article, I consider the different forms the ANC has taken over the years, briefly reflecting on its formation and to where it is today, 114 years later.
  

   There is a distortion in our retelling of history that the ANC was a liberation movement before it was a political party. Professor Siphamandla Zondi reminds us that liberation movements were important for fighting the imposed system of colonialism, including apartheid. In their ideological outlook, their political culture, their institutional make-up and their policy agenda, they were fit for that purpose, to end colonialism and usher in a postcolonial era. Therefore, with the fall of colonialism and apartheid and the emergence of competitive political party transformed, liberation movements to political parties.
  

  On its 114-year celebration, the ANC reminded us that it is the oldest liberation movement in Africa, perhaps even the world. The ANC must evoke liberation nostalgia if it is to survive the current political landscape. However, a closer examination of history shows that the SANNC, later the ANC, had the makings of a political party. It was circumstance that transformed it into a liberation movement.
  

  Starting with the formation of the SANNC in 1912. The formation of the SANNC was a reaction to the exclusion of Africans from the political process during the formation of the Union of South Africa. Therefore, the political identity, as well as its exclusive membership for Africans, was rooted in the birth of the Union. The formation of SANNC marked the realisation that Black interests could only be promoted by the action of Blacks and not through sympathetic intermediaries.
  

  In December 1948, after the watershed elections of May 1948 in which the National Party won the elections, the ANC Youth League proposed a plan of action. This POA included a demand for African representation in governing bodies and sought to achieve this by adopting civil disobedience strategies, including strikes and boycotts. In this plan of action, the main demand is representation in government. In other words, the main goal of the SANNC was political representation and meaningful participation in the administration of the state. Turning to the basics of Political Science, a political party is an organisation that seeks and competes for political power, and this power comes either through elections or a revolution.
  

  Our struggle history is long and vast and goes beyond the scope of this article. However, the ANC emerged from the apartheid period as a torchbearer for the aspirations of the politically oppressed, transforming from liberator to governor. As a result, enjoyed electoral dominance from 1999 until 2019.
  

  South Africa became a dominant party state. The ANC dominated the political landscape and faced very little prospect of electoral defeat. This consistent electoral victory translated to political influence, which gave it the power to direct government policy. The dominance of the ANC in post-apartheid SA weakened it as an organisation.
  

  As any dominant party, it became unresponsive to its core constituency, lacked accountability and acted with impunity. In my analysis of the ANC at its 2022 electoral congress, I applied Professor Susan Booysen’s analytical framework to measure ANC power. I argued that the ANC has weakened across three of the four indicators in the framework. The areas of weakness I identified were the ANC in government, the ANC’s relationship with the people, and the ANC’s electoral performance. I highlighted that these indicators were interrelated.
  

  Professor Booysen argued that a weak ANC would be characterised by policies that fail to meet targets, the inability to decide on alternative policies, combined with reluctance to change deficient policy and the pretence that policy is changed when instead it is just merely recast.
  

  Perhaps the most glaring policy failure is its economic policy. The enduring legacy of apartheid is economic inequality. In colloquial terms, it is low-hanging fruit that the ANC should have addressed. However, reflecting the quality of life for the majority of South Africans, who are black and poor, without going into detail, and to quote a former ANC president, Thabo Mbeki
  

  “South Africa is a country of two nations. One of these nations is white, relatively prosperous, regardless of gender or geographic dispersal. It has ready access to a developed economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure.” He went on to say, “The second and larger nation of South Africa is black and poor, with the worst affected being women in the rural areas, the black rural population in general and the disabled. This nation lives under conditions of a grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure…”
  

  This quote is from a speech made in 1998, 28 years ago, and it is true today as it was then. The triple challenges of inequality, poverty and unemployment sound more like a political slogan than structural challenges that require political will and policy interventions.
  

  South African citizens are rational voters, and this lack of political will translated into electoral decline for the ANC. Between 1999 and 2024, the ANC lost more than 20% in electoral support. This translated to 40.1% of all the votes cast, and now, for the first time in democratic history, the ANC does not have the majority.
  

  It was the prolonged dominance of the ANC which led to its decline. In my Master’s dissertation, I agreed with Prof Schultz-Hezernberg that South African’s withhold their votes when unhappy with the ANC. So instead of voting for an alternative, they would rather not vote at all. I argued that it was voter apathy that maintained ANC dominance. This large share of the electorate that does not participate in the elections allows the remaining voters to maintain the hegemony of the ANC.
  

  The ANC fell into the perils of incumbency. This phenomenon suggests that as time passes, the advantages of being an incumbent are outweighed by voter dissatisfaction, resulting in a “curse” where the incumbent becomes increasingly less likely to win. Therefore, the decline of the ANC should be understood in the context of its role as a liberation movement turned to political party. Once it achieved its historic mission, to attain political power, there began its decline. There began its decline.
  

  Naledi Modise is a Lecturer in Political Science at NWU

  

   

  

   

  
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  An ANC reflection on the national democratic revolution, political consciousness challenges, and pathways to renewal
  

  The obstacles facing the ANC extend beyond internal conflicts, writes Stan Itshegetseng
  

  In this opinion piece, I assert my voice as a dedicated member of the African National Congress (ANC) and the PPF NEC. I approach this writing with humility, yet I am propelled by a sense of urgency that befits the historical mission of our party. The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is not merely a catchy slogan; it represents the foundational framework through which the ANC must comprehend power, struggle, and societal dynamics. Ignoring the NDR would amount to a profound betrayal of our purpose.
  

  The National Democratic Revolution: Foundational Principles and Historical Context
  

  The NDR serves as the strategic blueprint for a National Democratic Society (NDS), envisioned as a non-racial, non-sexist democratic space that prioritises developmental goals, social justice, equality, and collective prosperity. This transformative journey is directed by the National Democratic Forces (NDF), which includes organised workers, the rural and urban poor, steadfast ANC cadres, and allied organisations like the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), as well as progressive youth and professional associations. Ultimately, the NDS represents our destination, whereas the NDR embodies the winding road we travel.
  

  The roots of the NDR were firmly established at significant ANC gatherings, notably the Morogoro Conference in 1969, where ‘Strategy and Tactics’ was adopted as the revolutionary plan to dismantle the apartheid regime and lay the foundation for a cohesive democratic society.
  

  This philosophy has been reaffirmed in later ANC policy documents, including the Strategy and Tactics revisions of 1997, 2007, 2012, and 2017, which highlighted the NDR’s ongoing importance in the post-apartheid landscape and emphasised the need for widespread mobilisation, ideological clarity, and the restructuring of socio-economic systems.
  

  However, since achieving formal political liberation in 1994, the NDR’s path has become increasingly fraught with challenges and uncertainties. While the South African state is operational, the profound transformation of economic and power structures remains unfulfilled. The prevailing market forces, glaring inequality, and the overarching influence of global capitalism have created an environment that shifts the balance of power away from revolutionary change.
  

  Despondency, the Withdrawal of Motive Forces, and the Vacuum of Money Politics
  

  A significant portion of the working-class population finds itself demoralised and politically disengaged. The black middle class, which emerged from the gains of democracy, frequently prioritises individual material aspirations and social status over collective action and nation-building. Many of our citizens grapple with poverty and socioeconomic despair, pushing some into the grips of substance abuse and the exigencies of survival, thereby contributing to the emergence of informal economy criminality and the fragmentation of community organising efforts.
  

  This observation is not based solely on personal anecdotes; extensive research in political science across the African continent shows that ‘clientelism and vote buying are rampant in areas characterised by economic vulnerability and a lack of political education’. Such clientelist transactions, in which tangible rewards are exchanged for political allegiance, have been documented throughout West Africa and other regions, suggesting that in contexts where organised political action is fragile, money politics can be both practical and persistent.
  

  In South Africa, local studies reveal that promises of affordable housing or social grants can significantly sway voting behaviour. Surveys indicate that more than half of respondents from some settlements are either apathetic or inclined toward parties offering direct material benefits. This tendency underscores a sobering reality: in conditions where political consciousness is weak and material deprivation is acute, transactional politics often supersedes ideological commitment.
  

  The Structural Nature of Money Politics: A Complex Landscape
  

  Money politics is not an incidental occurrence. Instead, it is deeply entwined with structural conditions, thriving in environments where organised political frameworks weaken, and economic insecurity intensifies.
  

  At its essence, money politics reconfigures the landscape of political power: ‘the distribution of resources supplants ideological persuasion; patrons emerge in place of formal political platforms; citizens become clients rather than engaged voters’. Political allegiance shifts from a collective mission to the pursuit of immediate material benefits.
  

  Research into clientelism and vote buying corroborates several key findings:
  

  • • Clientelist transactions prove effective in securing electoral support, particularly in settings where access to information and avenues for civic engagement are limited.
    
  • • Material incentives can boost voter turnout among economically vulnerable populations, even as perceptions of corruption suppress broader political participation.
    
  • • Electoral clientelism often intersects with prevailing social conditions, where feelings of economic and social marginalisation amplify the political influence of clientelistic ties.
    

  This data does not merely condemn those engaged in morally dubious practices; it also illuminates how economic hardship intertwines with political strategy to reshape how individuals exercise their agency fundamentally.
  

  Opposition Forces, Monopoly Capital, and the Threat of Structural Counter-Revolution
  

  The obstacles facing the ANC extend beyond internal conflicts. Opposition parties, such as the Democratic Alliance (DA), which favours procedural democracy, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), with its radical populist agenda, as well as more minor factions like the MKP, frequently attract support by skillfully framing disillusionment with the current regime.
  

  However, they often lack provisions for genuine systemic change. In many instances, these parties derive structural backing from monopolistic capital interests, external funding sources, and entrenched economic stakeholders seeking favourable policy frameworks.
  

  Stan Itshegetseng is an ANC member in Ward 27 Vuyani Mabaxa Branch, Zone 10, Greater Johannesburg Region.

   

  

   

  
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  Forging ahead with water security plans for KwaZulu-Natal
  

  As an entity that carries the mandate of providing bulk water to municipalities, industries, and communities across KwaZulu-Natal, uMngeni-uThukula Water occupies a unique space in KwaZulu-Natal – a province which, like many parts of South Africa, faces pressing water security challenges.
  

  These range from climate change, recurring drought cycles, urbanisation, ageing infrastructure, all variables that have converged to place immense pressure on water systems.
  

  These are further compounded by a lack of the requisite technical skills at municipal levels to both operate and maintain water infrastructure systems. KwaZulu-Natal, with its rapidly growing urban centres and vulnerable rural communities, epitomises these challenges. At the same time, the province is uniquely positioned to demonstrate how integrated planning, sustainable investment, and strong partnerships can ensure a watersecure future. The mammoth task of delivering water to all our stakeholders, be they in urban or rural areas, has served as a call to action to all spheres of government to work towards the common vision of achieving the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goal 6. In her address to the 2024 National Water Summit, the Minister of Water and Sanitation, Honourable Pemmy Majodina, exhorted all water sector players to intensify their efforts and tackle water backlogs with a simple yet powerful reminder that “our collective responsibility is to ensure that no community is left behind.”
  

  This statement resonates strongly with our mission at uMngeni-uThukela Water.
  

  Every drop of water we treat and deliver to our customers is part of a broader social contract: to advance equity, dignity, and development in line with the vision of universal access. The past year has demonstrated that while -the road is challenging, progress is possible. Across KwaZulu-Natal, communities continue to face intermittent supply constraints, and certain municipalities are struggling to cope with maintenance backlogs.
  

  Yet, through coordinated action, partnerships and investment in infrastructure, the situation is improving. Strategic augmentation projects, upgrades to treatment works, and the extension of key pipelines have collectively enabled tens of thousands of households to enjoy improved and more reliable access to water compared with previous years. Our efforts are underpinned by a philosophy of sustainability. Water infrastructure is capital-intensive, but it is also foundational to economic growth, food security, and public health. To finance and implement the scale of projects required, partnerships remain essential. These include collaborations with all our contracted Water Services Authorities, engagements with industrial clients who depend on reliable supply, and ongoing alignment with the Department of Water and Sanitation as our shareholder. Moreover, partnerships are also forged with a view of extending into new and previously unserved areas.
  

  Our efforts have culminated in the signing of a partnership between ourselves and the uThukela District Municipality to resuscitate water infrastructure in that District. Again, these initiatives of going over and above our role as a bulk water service provider resonate with the call made by Minister Majodina in her maiden budget speech where she called upon all water sector actors to address water scarcity with urgency and innovation.
  

  This is an injunction that continues to guide our approach to water stewardship. Our goal is to be efficient in our operations, transparent in our governance, and bold in our vision. Indeed, uMngeni-uThukela Water is acutely aware that its responsibility extends beyond pipes and reservoirs. It encompasses building a culture of water conservation, promoting community awareness, and preparing for the impacts of climate change. The devastating floods of recent years in KwaZulu-Natal serve as stark reminder that resilience must be built into every aspect of water planning.
  

  Accordingly, our strategic initiatives now prioritise not only the expansion of access but also the protection of ecosystems, the diversification of water sources, and the strengthening of disaster preparedness. The activities highlighted in this report demonstrate how, with the support of our Board, Executives and dedicated staff, uMngeni-uThukela Water continues to make meaningful strides. From large-scale capital projects to operational efficiencies and skills development, the entity has worked tirelessly to fulfil its mandate. Importantly, this work is not confined to engineering and technical solutions. It also embraces governance, stakeholder engagement, and social responsibility.
  

  According to Statistics South Africa’s General Household Survey (GHS), 2023, some ground has been covered in terms of pushing back the water deficit in KwaZulu-Natal, with 833 of households in the province now having access to basic water services.
  

  The GHS further notes that the proportion of households experiencing water interruptions increased from 21,5% in 2012 to 43,6% in 2023. Beyond household access, municipalities in KZN face an estimated R3.98 billion backlog in water infrastructure investment. Combined with high non-revenue water losses averaging 52.6% in in some instances, these factors build a case for urgent interventions to tackle the infrastructure challenge. uMngeni-uThukela Water’s infrastructure strategy directly targets these deficits by prioritising backlog reduction, loss mitigation, and the rehabilitation of ageing systems to safeguard sustainable water provision for the province. Our ultimate goal is to extend the benefits of reliable water provision beyond our current bulk water infrastructure footprint, to include even those Municipalities that currently do not fall within our areas of supply.
  

  This we do in the knowledge that many communities in KwaZulu-Natal still remain outside the reach of uMngeni-uThukela Water’s supply system and are not yet served by alternative water schemes. These areas often face severe service backlogs and limited access to safe and sustainable water sources. To address this, our long-term infrastructure development plans specifically prioritise these underserved communities, ensuring that current and future projects are inclusive, equitable, and aligned with provincial and national development goals to improve the quality of life for all residents.
  

  Guided by these goals, significant progress with capital infrastructure implementation was achieved in the reporting period. Spend performance for the year, for the parent company was R3 059m, of which R2 946m was spent on infrastructure work and R1 005m of this amount went towards project for rural development. Notably, more than 85% of planned milestone targets were met. Targeted and Progress with Key Bulk Infrastructure Developments uMngeni-uThukela Water continues to drive the implementation of large-scale bulk water infrastructure projects across KwaZulu-Natal, aimed at expanding access, reducing backlogs, and improving system reliability for municipalities, industries, and communities.
  

  
  

  Below is an update on some of key schemes that uMngeni-uThukela Water is driving:
  

  
  

  • • uMkhomazi Water Project – Serving six Water Service Authorities, Phase 1 includes a dam, raw water tunnel, pipelines, treatment works, and reservoirs. Major milestones have been achieved, including the signing of Water User and Off-take Agreements in April 2024. Treasury approved a cost-sharing model where the State funds 50% and users contribute via a unit charge of R2.58/kl. Site access has been secured, procurement packages approved, and stakeholder engagements are ongoing.
    
  • • Lower uMkhomazi Bulk Water Supply Scheme – Serving eThekwini and Ugu, Phase 1 construction is progressing, with Ngwadini Dam at 13% completion and targeted for July 2027. Goodenough Abstraction Works are 80% complete, and additional pipeline and reservoir contracts are in tender or early works stages. Phase 2, which includes a 100 Ml/d water treatment works and bulk pipeline, is scheduled for completion in 2029.
    
  • • Greater Mpofana Bulk Water Supply Scheme – Phase 1 was completed in 2023, providing treatment works, reservoirs, and pipelines to Nottingham Road and Bruntville. Phase 2, a 25 km steel pipeline to Lions River, is at design stage with construction planned for 2024/25. • Impendle Bulk Water Supply Scheme – The Stepmore and Nzinga schemes are in preparation. Stepmore (1.6 Ml/d, expandable to 3 Ml/d) is scheduled to begin in 2026. Nzinga (13 Ml/d, expandable to 18.5 Ml/d) is in detailed design and planned to commence in 2027.
    
  • • uMshwathi and Southern Ndwedwe Projects – Phase 4 of the Southern Ndwedwe Scheme is 75% complete with multiple work packages underway, while the Regional Scheme Phase 6 remains in detailed design.
    
  • • Other Major Schemes – Progress has been achieved on the Lower Thukela Phase 2 upgrade (design finalised, procurement planned in 2025), Maphumulo Phase 3 (treatment works upgrade nearing completion), Mhlabatshane Phase 2 (environmental approvals underway), Vulindlela upgrade (construction of reservoirs and mains progressing), Mpophomeni Wastewater Treatment Works (practical completion reached), and South Coast Pipeline Phases 2B and 3 (construction and design progressing).
    

  Looking ahead, we are confident that we will deliver our mandate of bulk water and wastewater management services with diligence, integrity, and ethical responsibility. We will continue to work collaboratively with municipalities to ensure that we augment their water service delivery efforts for the benefit of all the people of KwaZulu-Natal.

  

  

   

  

   

  

  

  
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  ANC turns a blind eye to the state’s macroeconomic failure
  

  If the ANC wants to reverse its electoral collapse, it must seriously debate new macroeconomic policies that can revive the economy, writes Duma Gqubule Gqubule
  

  South Africa has the second-highest unemployment rate in the world but the ANC did not discuss macroeconomic policy and creating jobs at its national general council.
  

  Unemployment, poverty, and inequality are macroeconomic policy issues. But late last year the ANC met for four days at its first national general council (NGC) in a decade and did not bother to discuss macroeconomic policy. Looking back at three decades of ANC conference resolutions, the section on macroeconomic policy is always the shortest.
  

  In December 2022, the 55th national conference’s resolutions on the economy did not have a single macroeconomic policy target. Therefore there was nothing to review at the 2025 NGC. The Treasury and the Reserve Bank—and nobody else—have the macroeconomic policy tools to grow the economy and create jobs. The presentation of the ANC’s economic transformation committee to the NGC was a mess. It provided no vision for the economy and was full of unnecessary detail.
  

  From 2009 to 2024, South Africa had an average annual GDP growth rate of 1.1%. By comparison, the IMF says, 155 emerging and developing countries cruised to an annual average of 4.4% over the same period. Emerging and developing Asia (30 countries) had a rate of 6.3%. By the end of 2025, South Africa’s GDP per capita will be lower than it was in 2007.
  

  Such chronically low GDP growth for so long is not normal for a country that is not at war.
  

  South Africa has the second-highest unemployment rate in the world. During the third quarter of 2025, there were 12.5 million unemployed people, according to Stats SA. The unemployment rate was 42.4%. Stats SA found that 40.8 million people—66.7% of the population—lived below the upper bound poverty line of R2 635 per month in 2023. The World Inequality Report 2026 found that the richest 10% held 86% of wealth and the top 1% held 55%. The bottom 50% had negative net wealth.
  

  The establishment commentariat wants the public to celebrate the 0.5% GDP growth rate during the third quarter of 2025.
  

  The economy has turned the corner and there are green shoots, they say. But this discourse relies on vibes and provides no evidence that there is a recovery. In December, the IMF forecast 1.3% GDP growth for 2025 and 1.4% for 2026. The ANC’s solution to the macroeconomic crisis is to double down on the government’s failed microeconomic policies.
  

  Economist Asghar Adelzadeh says: “Advocating microeconomic policy reforms to overcome the macroeconomic crisis is a convoluted and inappropriate approach. It is like using brain surgery instruments to conduct heart surgery.”
  

  Structural reforms are code for privatisation, deregulation, liberalisation, and the withdrawal of the state from network industries—electricity, transport, telecommunications, and water.
  

  In 2020, the government set up Operation Vulindlela to implement and monitor the neoliberal structural reforms. Five years later, there are no results to show.
  

  If Vulindlela has been such a success, why has there been declining gross fixed capital formation (GFCF), a measure of investment, in seven of the last nine quarters? Nedbank says GFCF will decline 1.5% in 2025, less than the 3.9% decline in 2024. “Underlying conditions remain unsupportive of a broad-based upturn in investment activity,” the bank says. In 2024 GFCF was R1.1 trillion, equivalent to 14.5% of GDP. The annual shortfall to achieve the National Development Plan’s (NDP) target of 30% of GDP is R1 trillion a year. The annual shortfall to achieve the NDP target for public investment of 10% of GDP is R500 billion a year.
  

  Against these targets, private investment in network industries is a joke. Over the next three years, there will be renewable energy and battery energy storage independent power producer projects worth R122 billion or R40.6 billion a year. Nedbank says: “Momentum will likely slow in the near term. Capacity constraints within the national grid and limited transmission infrastructure have started to weigh on new project activity.”
  

  From 2025 to 2029, the National Transmission Company will invest R112 billion in the grid or R22.4 billion a year. It is not clear how much of this tab the private sector will pick up. In September, Transnet awarded 11 train operating companies access to 41 routes across six corridors. James Holley, the CEO of rail operator Traxtion, says each slot will require a minimum of R250 million and a maximum of R1.2 billion, which is the range of costs of a train set.
  

  Traxtion, which did not participate in the new slots, has announced a R3.4 billion rolling stock investment. But the constraints to this programme are the shocking state of the rail network, which has a R200 billion backlog, and the availability of rolling stock. Finally, International Container Terminal Services will invest R11.2 billion in a joint venture with Transnet to upgrade Durban Container Terminal Pier 2. It is clear that the math of the structural reforms is not mathing. If it wants to reverse its electoral collapse, the ANC must seriously debate new macroeconomic policies that can revive the economy.
  

  Duma Gqubule Gqubule is an economist.
  

  
  

  This article originally appeared in the Sunday Times and is published with permission.

  

   

  

   

  
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  NovaVolt–the renaissance of locally manufactured electric vehicles
  

  A proudly South African EV and technology OEM company could spark a manufacturing rebirth in the age of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that, unless we meaningfully participate in, will be another industrial revolution that leaves Africa behind, writes Lebogang Maile
  

  Anthony Hsieh, the late American internet entrepreneur and venture capitalist, is best known for having co-founded the internet advertising network LinkExchange, which he sold to Microsoft for over US$200 million in the late 1990s. But what few people know about him is that his greatest impact was in real estate rejuvenation projects.
  

  In the early 2000s, Hsieh facilitated a major re-development and revitalisation project for downtown Las Vegas, an area that, at the time, was under-developed and had minimal capital investment. Despite being in close proximity to the Las Vegas Strip, known for its concentration of luxury resort hotels and casinos, downtown Las Vegas was not deemed by most investors as commercially viable. Many parts of the area faced significant economic hardship, with high poverty rates and a lack of social services. But it was here, in a part of Las Vegas where the wealthy did not dare venture, that Hsieh developed the Downtown Project, initially as a place where employees of his company could live and work. But the project grew beyond that to a vision where thousands of local tech and other entrepreneurs could live and work. Today, downtown Las Vegas is seeing an influx of high-income residents, which is reshaping the city’s social and economic landscape.
  

  Hsieh was a staunch believer in the importance of building and supporting local businesses. His philosophy is captured in his famous statement: “When we support local businesses, we’re not just supporting an individual entrepreneur or business owner, we’re supporting a whole community.” Nowhere is this more apt than in the case of NovaVolt, a proudly South African electric vehicle (EV) and technology original equipment manufacturer (OEM) company. NovaVolt, led by its founder and chief executive officer, Don Laka, represents a homegrown innovation ecosystem that is ready to compete with the best in the world. The project has already progressed through regulatory milestones, including readiness for the National Regulator for Compulsory Specifications (NRCS) compliance and registration with the Gauteng Department of Transport as a vehicle manufacturer. Through partnerships with world-class engineering firms such as German-based EDAG, NovaVolt has completed advanced mock-ups and technical specifications for its flagship vehicles, including both EV and Plug-in Hybrid Electric Vehicle (PHEV) models.
  

  The establishment of NovaVolt comes at a time when discussions around the importance of New Energy Vehicles (NEVs) is taking place in South Africa, and where the future of the automotive industry is at the centre of national discourse. The South African automotive industry is facing a tough operating environment, heightened by the imposition of a unilateral 30 percent reciprocal trade tariff by the government of the United States—which has consistently been South Africa’s second-largest trading partner and key export destination for SA-manufactured vehicles. On the manufacturing side, OEMs also face mounting challenges. South Africa’s automotive sector is particularly vulnerable to the 25% sectoral tariff imposed under Section 232 of the United States Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which specifically targets automotive exports.
  

  The South African automotive industry is a cornerstone of the economy and contributes 22.6% to total domestic manufacturing output. It also directly supports over 110 000 formal sector jobs—a significant number in an economy that is battling with the creation of sustainable employment. The tariffs, coupled with broader uncertainty in our trade relations with the United States, strike at the heart of South Africa’s industrialisation agenda and threaten future investment in high-value manufacturing. The scale of this impact is best evidenced in the case of Mercedes Benz in East London, which exports at least 90% of its vehicles to the United States. The devastating consequences for the East London Special Economic Zone (SEZ) are immeasurable. Tariffs have had a severe impact on South Africa’s automotive industry, leading to a sharp decline in exports to the United States, job losses, company closures, and reduced GDP contribution of the automotive sector. Since the imposition of the unilateral tariffs, vehicle exports to the United States have fallen drastically, with one report noting an 82% drop in the first half of 2025 compared to the previous year.
  

  It is in this context that NovaVolt is rewriting the narrative of the EV and technology OEM landscape. It is not a debate that EVs are crucial for South Africa’s future. They offer significant economic and environmental benefits, including reducing greenhouse gas emissions and lowering fuel costs, while supporting industrial growth and job creation through local manufacturing and infrastructure development. It is for this reason that the Gauteng Provincial Government considers the automotive sector a key strategic priority for economic growth, job creation, and industrialisation. A major focus is the transition to EVs and green mobility to remain competitive in the global market, especially with the European Union’s carbon neutral targets. The national and provincial government are working on policies, incentives (including a 150 percent tax deduction for qualifying investments in EV production from 2026), and infrastructure upgrades to support NEV manufacturing.
  

  The Gauteng Provincial Government, in partnership with private companies, has invested heavily in the Tshwane Automotive Special Economic Zone (TASEZ) and the Automotive Supplier Parks (ASP) in Rosslyn and Silverton. These zones aim to attract further foreign and local direct investment and consolidate manufacturing activities. Ford, Nissan, and BMW all have manufacturing facilities in Gauteng. As investment is the outcome of development, there are sustained efforts to ensure both the infrastructure and skills development for a transformed, advanced and modernised automotive industry in Gauteng. The Automotive Industry Development Centre (AIDC), an entity of the provincial government, plays a key role in bridging skills gaps through artisan training academies, incubation hubs, and STEM programs. These initiatives are designed to ensure a qualified workforce for future automotive technologies. Additionally, initiatives like the Merchant Development Programme and SME incubation programs aim to empower small, medium, and micro enterprises in townships and surrounding areas, integrating them into the automotive supply chain.
  

  NovaVolt is critical not only for the growth and development of the provincial and national economy, and its role in the reindustrialisation agenda of the South African government, but also for its uniquely African approach to technological advancement. NovaVolt’s EV and PHEV products integrate uniquely African design elements such as the Marimba-inspired grille, and feature the proprietary LIRA AI Command System that is capable of operating in all South African languages. This places NovaVolt at the forefront of authentic African industrial design, simultaneously facilitating inclusive technology and global competitiveness. This is the practical definition of glocalisation—the merging of globalisation and localisation, focusing on how global entities adapt to local cultures and markets. The Afrocentric philosophy that underpins NovaVolt’s approach to EVs and PHEVs reflects the necessity for both local and international businesses to tailor their products and strategies to align with regional contexts and practices. It is a philosophy that is best suited to South Africa and other developing countries that are increasingly compelled to overcome dependency on external powers and achieve a more autonomous and sustainable form of inclusive and sustainable growth.
  

  The Gauteng Provincial Government has made a recommendation to the national government for the designation of NovaVolt as a Special OEM Project of Strategic Importance. This designation will enable the urgent unlocking of seed funding and public–private investment partnerships needed to accelerate its rollout. The success of NovaVolt will deliver long-term benefits for Gauteng and South Africa, securing jobs, advancing industrial sovereignty, and showcasing our nation’s capacity to lead in the development of NEVs. Hsien’s philosophy that supporting local businesses is not just supporting an individual entrepreneur or business owner but an entire community and nation, would be practically demonstrated in how support for a proudly South African EV and technology OEM company could spark a manufacturing rebirth in the age of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that, unless we meaningfully participate in, will be another industrial revolution that leaves Africa behind.
  

  Lebogang Maile is the MEC of Finance and Economic Development in Gauteng.

   

   

  
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  Dr Felleng Yende

  

  

   

  
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  Driving efficiency at NHFC to fire on all cylinders
  

  The National Housing Finance Corporation (NHFC) governance has over five years faced significant scrutiny, marked by allegations of irregularities–with recent board actions to strengthen governance and deal with malfeasance, including full scale forensic investigations, amid public calls for accountability.
  

  Leadership Magazine recently spoke to NHFC’s new chairman Dr Desmond Golding about the entity’s future, as an agency responsible to promote home ownership among low-income South Africans.
  

  Golding’s last year’s appointment drew some criticism over his past role—the so-called 2012 North Seas Jazz Festival funding alleged wrongdoing with some outlets questioning his suitability. During the Leadership interview he highlighted the fact that an investigation by KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Authorities, and the subsequent higher courts outcomes, on this matter, proved no wrongdoing, criminality or culpability on his part. He went on to state that he has lodged a civil claim against the authorities (state) for wrongful persecution.
  

  From being a law graduate working as a deputy head for Parliamentary Research Unit at National Assembly post-1994, Golding has turned into a distinguished economist, banking executive, and public policy expert with over 33 years of leadership in finance, governance and economic development.
  

  Golding is now a seasoned change maker and banking executive with years in senior roles at SA Reserve Bank (Strategy Executive), Standard Bank (Credit Policy and Risk Governance Director), Investec (Group Credit Officer), and a SARB secondment to NM Rothschild in London for professional development. His executive leadership includes CEO of RETOSA (SADC investment body), Head of KZN Economic Development, Tourism and Environmental Affairs.
  

  Golding has also chaired key boards like SA Civil Aviation Authority, Co-operatives Bank Development Agency, and critical board committees such as the Gautrain Finance and Assets Committee; Gauteng Enterprise Propeller’s Investment Committee and the SABC Audit Committee, among others, as well as pioneering funding models and transaction advising for mega infrastructure, such as North West’s R78 billion Smart Cities.
  

  As founder and Managing Director of Khabran Investments, he provides expertise in business strategy, project finance, risk management, capital raising, financial modeling, deal structuring, governance, and transaction advisory. A Chartered Banking Professional (CHBP SA) with a PhD in Corporate Governance in Public Entities. He also contributed to the Indlulamithi Scenarios Reference Team, lectured at UNISA’s Centre for African Studies, and serves on the Gauteng Rhodes Scholarship Selection Committee.
  

  Golding is the first, if not only South African to participate and win the Great Oxford Debate, and inducted in 2017 at Oxford’s Said Business School, epitomising his leadership recognition internationally.
  

  In earnest Golding’s career in public and private leadership started when he was appointed Private Secretary to the now late then South Africa’s post-apartheid Minister of Labour Tito Mboweni, who was also his mentor.
  

  “Here I was, a young lawyer, now appointed to Minister Mboweni as his Private Secretary—of this fervent and well-respected economist, dealing with his high level, more sensitive, cabinet issues, stakeholders, and other professional matters.
  

  “All this was happening at a historic time where—as the first post-apartheid Labour Minister—my boss was responsible for the overhauling and transforming the labour market in the country, developing legislation such as the Labour Relations Act, Basic Condition of Employment Act, Employment Equity Act, and Skills Development Act. I found myself at the centre of this history making epoch and will forever look back to it with great pride for the opportunity and space my former boss allowed me, which shaped my leadership to this day: being erudite, detail focused, athletic reading, critical writing, decisiveness, servant leadership and humble fearlessness. This led to us traveling to–especially Nordic countries–researching on how to shape these labour laws—within the broader remit of macro-economic–to improve the lives of workers, inclusive growth and social compacting between government, private sector and trade unions. The experience we gained through these engagements also led to the birth of such critical organisations such as the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac)—as an embodiment of economic compacting in post-apartheid South Africa.”
  

  This exposure to complex legal and economic issues under Mboweni’s tutelage drove Golding to studying economics and graduating in International Relations majoring in global economy. It is also under Mboweni’s wing—where he learnt about the importance of understanding our country’s economic history which shapes our country’s developmental challenges and how our economy interconnects with the global macro-economic economic outlook. In this context Mboweni, for example, exposed Golding to various acclaimed authors, including Thomas L Friedman who in his book “The Lexus and Olive Tree” he analyses globalisation’s impact on economies, politics, and cultures. The book uses the central metaphor of the Lexus—symbolizing high-tech innovation, capitalism, and modernity—and the olive tree —representing tradition, community, identity, and roots—to explore tensions in the hyper-connected world and moulding what he terms “globalist leaders” who can lead under complex environments.
  

  For Golding such exposure was important for him as a potential leader in a society in transition like South Africa, and how to think global and act local.
  

  Golding’s believes that receiving a Mandela Scholarship for Leadership to study a Masters of Law degree specialising in Banking and Financial Markets at the University of London, and various international training including at the Federal Reserve Bank, stood him well when it comes to his role at the Reserve Bank—where he was part of the team responsible for a 10 year plan to reposition South Africa as a financial capital in Africa and reshaping the monetary policy to be responsive to needs of the poor.
  

  On the other hand, his exposure to leadership in the private sector made him understand the need to balance the drive for social justice, optimal performance, business efficiencies and financial viability in the public sector.
  

  “In the private sector one operates in a cutthroat environment where the end goal is profit, and there is more of self-regulation than there is in the public sector. On the other hand, the public sector, under the Public Finance Management Act, is highly regulated with the compliance and ethical threshold is way too high, and correctly so, as we are dealing with public funds.
  

  For example, in the private sector one can procure at the stroke of a pen or speedily respond to market conditions for competitiveness, whereas in the public sector, there are processes determined under the PFMA, which may impact on competitiveness and service delivery–but this is necessary to safeguard public assets against malfeasance. I think there is a need for legislation balancing accountability with efficiency, particularly state‑owned companies that are commercial.”
  

  Future of NHFC under his Chairmanship
  

  For Golding and the Board, the NHFC lies at the heart of what the struggle has been about economic justice and right to dignity, which is the historical discourse against colonial dispossession in this country. NHFC, as a Development Finance Institution (DFI) is placed to realise this historical mission.
  

  “A house is able to give someone economic justice, for example, access to further capital and economic activity. On the other hand, housing can be an instrument to deal with asset poverty and integration of marginal communities into the real economy and change apartheid special is-articulation. Within the broader remit of economic development, a house enables someone to actively participate in the economy, giving them dignity, access to capital, and financial leveraging.
  

  “The NHFC’s role is to provide the financial muscle to turn that vision into reality. From governance point of view, we believe that for the NHFC to deliver on its mandate—it needs strong strategic leadership, both at board and at management to ensure that it fires with all its cylinders.
  

  Currently, the institution is underperforming, it has been performing at below 50% for more than three years, as opposed to the set performance target of 80% annually. Performance in 2023 stood at 19%, in 2024 at 39%, and in 2025 at 47% (audited). This is totally abhorrent and unacceptable, in a country with such massive housing backlogs. As the new Board, our 5-year vision, is anchored in the recently adopted 10BY10 Turnaround Plan, which fosters operational excellence, optimal performance and functional efficiency”, avers Golding.
  

  He ascribes the situation in the entity, mainly to lack of capable management core—due to unfilled strategic positions, such as a permanent Chief Operations Officer, Chief Financial Officer, the Executive Information Technology, Executive Human Capital, Executive Risk as well as Head of Corporate Finance. The board is dealing with this matter as a top priority.
  

  “We also are buttressing a strong mutually re-enforcing relationship with our shareholder, our Minister, who is always very insightful, guiding and supporting, the financial markets, our national sister DFIs, the continental, international and multi-lateral organisations to ensure that we are part of the global village, by leveraging our resources, our balance sheet and sharpening the prosecution of our vision.
  

  We also need to leverage IT to drive efficiency —in a situation where, for example, we are still using outdated technology and manual transacting. We need strong robust systems that can drive efficiency. We are in an era of ‘economies of speed’, and it’s only the agile, technology anchored and erudite that survives and delivers.
  

  We also have a patriotic responsibility to achieve a high delivery performance.”
  

  To fundamentally turn around the organisation from the current underperformance, under Golding’s new leadership, the NHFC’s 10 Point Turnaround Plan, has disaggregated the organisation into three epochal three year phases, namely, the Rescue Phase–to rescue the NHFC from chronic underperformance through acquisition of skills; strengthening governance and systems acquisitions; the Stabilisation Phase—to institutionalise efficiency, productivity and elevated staff productivity; as well as the Sustainability Phase–to cement self-consciousness in governance, controls, performance and delivery. The full execution of the will ensure that the organisation regains public trust.
  

  “We have innovative ways to achieve our vision and mandate. This includes institutionalising cutting-edge technology and developing our technical capacity to make informed decisions, resolve complex variables, and to graduate viable projects to bankable concession deals. “These imperatives would lead to less defaults and write offs, healthy financial position, optimised performance, as well as acquiring a strong team with a strong business acumen. Our aim is to ensure that -coming to capacity—the entity is firing in all cylinders. In addition, a segmented product offering, also working with other DFIs and national and international commercial lending entities for this realization, through an aggregator model of leveraging.
  

  The NHFC’s Vision under Golding’s Leadership
  

  For Golding the NDP remains the anchor for NHFC’s vision in ensuring that there is multiplication of dignified settlements, creation of jobs, contributing to the building of a capable state, and building an inclusive economy. Under his leadership, it is also the NHFC’s commitment that the funding it provides contribute to economic activity, promotes local economic development and fundamentally changes the apartheid spatial configuration, with biased towards marginalised communities.
  

  “We want to promote the counter cyclical approach to resource deployment and lending that ensures real access to capital for asset acquisition, and inflation busting credit access for the marginal communities. This vision also includes funding inner city regeneration and smart cities, including particularly those that are developed in rural communities. We are therefore not only talking about housing but also playing an active role inclusive economic activity that drives rural development, stimulate SMMEs and distributive economics.”
  

  The NHFC is repositioning itself as a national housing development bank, a vision that is within reach that will have profound consequences for the housing, human settlement and asset ownership in this country.
  

  Increasing Access to Home Ownership
  

  The NHFC believes there is a need for policy change to deal with existing barriers to ownership among low-income South Africans. The NHFC. Part of that policy change includes a funding model which will increase the current income market range for housing lending qualifications, which is at maximum of R22 000 to increase to R34000, thereby bringing in many people who are currently outside the net.
  

  The NHFC is looking at a new progressive financing model that provides credit that is not based on prime as reference point, as commercial banks do, but a risk based and developmental model. Golding believes a “prime based lending model” is a predatory, counter-inclusive and exploitive regime. A risk-based and developmental anchored lending model is more suitable to make an impact on the housing market. This is one of the legacies the board hopes to live as part of its contribution to the transformation of the economy and home asset ownership and access in this country.
  

  SA Economic Future
  

  “To drive real and inclusive growth that allows many to have access to asset security, there is a need for massive investment in the country’s productive sectors—such as manufacturing which has shamefully dropped to below 10% of our output.
  

  “Government must work with the private sector to develop a common vision. There is a need for a real economic pact led by a patriotic core of South Africans who believe in the future of this country. Currently, there is over a trillion worth of private sector non-invested capital which could be unlocked and invested into the economy, spur SMME development, ameliorate grinding poverty and repulsive high unemployment, particularly among the youth.
  

  For Golding, the other unfortunate attaining reality is the scourge of the emerging of what is being termed “unproductive black nouveau riche”, which have acquired massive wealth under the new dispensation, but are not contributing towards the much-needed economic inclusion of the masses. Their vulgar materialism and conspicuous consumption in the sea of poverty by many blacks in this country needs complete re-engineering and refocusing to local home-grown retail and manufacturing production. This will emulate many countries who emerged from colonial oppression to develop international acclaimed, indigenous patriotic capital and value creating entrepreneurs.
  

  

   

  

   

  
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  Classroom cruelty
  

  It’s back to school, back to bullying for millions of South African children. ‘Checkpoint’ investigates...
  

  Bullying is increasingly ending in bloodshed as school violence reaches alarming levels in our country. According to the 2023/24 annual SAPS report, a staggering 28 murders and 234 rape cases were recorded at basic education institutions. Reported incidents have been climbing over the years. Between the second quarter of 2022 and that of 2024, murder at schools increased by 7.5%, attempted murder by 35.7%, while assaults by 6.8%, according to the Department of Basic Education. Among parents living the nightmare brought home from school are a father whose child was murdered at boarding school, another whose 16-year-old son was stabbed while fellow learners looked on and filmed, and a mother whose boy, while in grade eight, was assaulted by a matric at one of South Africa’s most prestigious public schools. All three opened up to ‘Checkpoint’.
  

  According to the Human Rights Commission, three million learners in South Africa are bullied at school every single year, double the global average. Most don’t report it, because they don’t trust the system to protect them. Two stabbings in four days at Humansdorp Secondary in the Eastern Cape were described as yet another reflection of daily life in the area by the head of the school’s governing body, Ben Ruiters. “There’s too much violence in our community. It has spilled over into the school and it’s been at the school for a very, very long time now,” Ruiters told ‘Checkpoint’.
  

  Humansdrop lies at the gateway to the Garden Route. Its serene vistas are deceptive, it’s underbelly is grim. The Eastern Cape has the highest murder rate per capita in the country and schoolyards aren’t immune to the violence. A multi pupil punch up at Humansdorp Secondary on Friday the 19th of September 2025, escalated into a stabbing on school grounds and a few days later, another that ended in the death of a matric pupil on the morning of one of his final exams. High levels of violence in the nearby township forced the now deceased learner’s father, Siyabonga Plaatjie, to place 18-year-old Liyolo Wakeni in boarding school. “In the township, on the weekends, the boys are fighting. When we took the decision to send him to stay in the hostel, we were 100% sure that he was safer there than here in the location,” the father told ‘Checkpoint’.
  

  On Tuesday the 23rd of September 2025, Liyolo’s mother responded to a life altering call. “Somebody at school called her,” Plaatjie explained. “They said she must go to school, but she must not go alone, immediately she called me. She said there was a fight.” When the couple arrived at school they were informed of a fatal stabbing at the hostel. “I saw him lying there in blood,” continued the father, “with his eyes open. I asked, ‘Can I please close his eyes, at least?’ And then they let me do that. Ja, I closed the eyes. And then I went out again to my wife and the cousins. I told them, yes, Liyolo is really no more, but we need to be strong.”
  

  “They say it started in the township the previous day among these gangs,” explained the father of one of the boys arrested and charged for the murder. The father’s name cannot be published for the protection of his son, now considered a child in conflict with the law. “They say my son was involved, he assaulted one of the gang members in the township. That is how this thing started.” The father, a farmworker in the area, told ‘Checkpoint’. He says on the day his son was stabbed, a teacher called to let him know his child was lying in hospital. “When we got there, there were children milling around. It was the children who had stabbed him at school, who’d arrived at the hospital to finish him off. They were chased away by my son’s friends.” The farmer’s son is one of six teenagers arrested for Liyolo Wakeni’s murder. The farmer blames the school for allowing things to get out of hand. “What hurts me now is that my child’s name is ruined. It’s tainted because of negligence from the school.” The school governing body head told ‘Checkpoint’ that the principal had assured them everything was under control following the Friday punch up at school.
  

  National director of school safety for the education department, Sifiso Ngobese, says Humansdorp has been classified a red zone by the education department. “That particular area is also a gang infested area. That would explain the kind of violence that happens on a regular basis.” He says the department has taken steps to intervene. “We had a session with the learners. We brought in, a lot of other departments. When we do these campaigns on the ground, we set up structures at a local level, so that even when we are gone, there is some kind of support there.” But the support structures failed, he admits. “You can have all the necessary structures in place but that will not guarantee such will not happen,” says Ngobese. Parents are also to blame, he asserts. “In those red zones, we have parents also being members in some communities of gangs. You also find that some of the learners that bring these unwanted substances in schools are actually sent by older members of the community to say, go and sell this on my behalf.”
  

  It’s not in so-called red zones only, where extreme violence is witnessed. Last year, a KZN mother removed her son from one of the country’s most respected public schools. Founded in 1863, Maritzburg College is the oldest boys’ school in KwaZulu-Natal. Renowned for its sports prowess, particularly in rugby, it’s produced national heroes like Joel Stransky and Jesse Kriel. It was an obvious choice for Nandi and her athletic son. Nandi’s surname and her son’s names have to be withheld for the boy’s legal protection as a minor victim of crime. “He’s passionate about basketball, very good at it. He’s played a bit of rugby. He’s generally an all-rounder when it comes to sport,” a proud Nandi told ‘Checkpoint’. Her son alleges that in grade eight, not much is expected of them, but to follow orders. “If you’re asked to do something, you just have to put your head down and do it. That’s just how it went. It’s just part of the hierarchy.” That obedience is not expected by teachers only, he says, but older kids in higher grades. He ended up paying a high price for standing up to a senior, a rugby playing matric. “We were just hanging around amongst each other, and then he came in with one of his other matric friends I’m really close with. He asked if he could use anyone’s phone and all that, since he forgot his in the matric house. Since I have an iPad, I let him use my phone for a bit.” Asking for his phone back after 40 minutes was to later earn him a head butting, the boy says. “All of a sudden, zero to 100, he just hit my face with his head,” the boy explained. “I received a call, as I was driving, from the school nurse and the head of boarding to say, ‘Nandi, we’ve had an incident at school’.”
  

  When she arrived at the hospital, it became clear, the injury was serious. “The doctor on duty was mortified. She said to me, ‘Was this an injury of sport?’ Because it looked as if, you know, he’d been hit by a hockey stick. I said, ‘No, there’s nothing like that. He’s been assaulted’. What the doctor discovered is that these fractures won’t heal themselves. He’s going to have to have reconstructive surgery to correct those fractures,” Nandi explained. Following a disciplinary hearing, Maritzburg College expelled the perpetrator from the boarding house and withdrew his scholarship worth R109 000 rand. Not good enough, says Nandi “How does an expulsion from boarding relieve my child from seeing his aggressor on campus every day? Because that means he’s re-traumatised daily in the corridors of the school.” That’s what led to Nandi removing her child from the school.
  

  She reached out to the provincial department of education. Head of the KZN department stood by the school’s decision not to expel the aggressor. He wrote to Nandi saying, “My finding is that the school has dealt with the matter. I am not in a position to deviate from the school’s decision.” Nandi believes assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm needs to be matched with an equal sentence, whatever that sentence may be. Although she laid criminal charges, the case was later diverted by the courts for the 18-year-old boy to attend a behavioural programme. Despite the aggressor having committed the crime a few weeks shy of his 18th birthday, he was still treated as a child in conflict with the law, in line with the Child Justice Act, because he was 17 when the crime occurred. To Nandi it feels like he got off scot-free. Nandi also believes the school was more concerned with protecting its rugby star than it was about her son’s physical and emotional injuries.
  

  The aggressor’s mother told ‘Checkpoint’ her son made a mistake. It was a mistake that has altered another child’s life forever. “He has nosebleeds, often funny discharge coming out of his nose, just from bending. We’re seeing ENT (ear, nose and throat) specialists to just get to the bottom of that, so he’s suffered a great deal.” The family is still searching for an ENT specialist who can permanently end their son’s suffering. Maritzburg College declined being interviewed by ‘Checkpoint’, citing protocol.
  

  Nkepile Mabuse

   

  

   

  
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  Showing the business world how it’s done
  

  JTI South Africa is proof that how you treat your employees has a direct relation to the overall success of a business.
  

  JTI South Africa, a country division of the larger Japan Tobacco International, has once again been recognised as a Global Top Employer in 2026.
  

  Across the six Global Top Employer domains, JTI South Africa achieved exceptional results, which reflects the consistency and maturity of the company’s people practices in the country.
  

  One initiative which has contributed to JTI South Africa’s standing is their Wellness Centre, which supports both learning and development, as well as employee wellbeing. The centre provides access to training facilities, gym facilities, and quiet reflective spaces.
  

  This initiative has been successful because it supports employees holistically, both professionally and personally, reinforcing JTI South Africa’s commitment to sustainable performance and overall wellbeing.
  

  Speaking to Leadership, JTI South Africa’s People and Culture Director, Kedibone Letsika believes that their success as an employer boils down to their People & Culture team adapting global frameworks to ensure they are relevant, authentic, and impactful for South African employees.
  

  “What differentiates us is our ability to balance global standards with strong local relevance. We ensure global frameworks are adapted to reflect local workforce realities, legislative requirements, and transformation priorities,” Letsika explains.
  

  “Our approach focuses on maintaining global best practice while ensuring policies and programmes genuinely reflect the evolving needs and expectations of South African employees. This balance allows us to remain globally competitive while being locally meaningful and authentic.”
  

  Culture plays a major role in creating a space where employees are able to thrive.
  

  Often described as something you feel rather than something you define, a strong work culture is extremely important to JTI South Africa and it is one of the bedrocks upon which success is measured.
  

  “Our culture is anchored in strong corporate values, particularly Our Way, which defines not only what we deliver as a business, but how our employees show up every day,” Letsika shares.
  

  “Over the past eight years, we have continuously strengthened our HR initiatives, policies, and practices to move beyond compliance and focus on real employee experience. This has helped create a workplace that is positive, innovative, and performance-driven, while remaining people-centred.”
  

  Attracting (and retaining) the right talent
  

  The tobacco and reduced-risk products industry is a complex and often challenging space to operate in, so how does JTI South Africa attract, engage, and retain top talent in an industry that requires strong ethical leadership and purpose-driven decision-making?
  

  For Letsika, JTI South Africa’s competitive Employee Value Proposition is what results in strong talent attraction and retention thanks to its sustainable succession pipelines, competitive rewards and benefits, and a strong corporate culture.
  

  “We are transparent about our industry and the responsibility that comes with it. Many employees are attracted to the opportunity to work in a complex, highly regulated environment that requires strong ethical leadership and thoughtful decision-making,” Letsika says.
  

  “Ethics and integrity are reinforced through leadership accountability, strong governance, and continuous employee engagement.
  

  “Embedding strong corporate values ensures that ethics are lived daily, not just communicated. Leadership is accountable for people outcomes, and employees are encouraged to provide feedback, raise concerns, and actively shape the culture we want to sustain.”
  

  With the increasing focus on flexibility, wellbeing, and meaningful work, businesses need to be agile when it comes to keeping the workforce happy.
  

  JTI South Africa is no different, and they ensure they remain at the top of the employment game by taking feedback to heart and shifting when required.
  

  “Employee feedback is critical to how we design our people practices. We recognise that a blanket HR approach is often ineffective, which is why we focus on understanding different workforce segments and their specific needs,” Letsika explains.
  

  “Our investment in initiatives such as the Wellness Centre, alongside flexible and wellbeing-focused programmes, reflects what employees consistently tell us matters most—support, growth, and meaningful contribution.”
  

  Futureproofing a winning formula
  

  Innovation and strategy co-creation feature strongly in JTI’s people approach globally, with employees encouraged to contribute ideas, challenge the status quo, and play an active role in shaping the future of the business.
  

  In South Africa, this approach is no different, as the voices of those driving the success matter.
  

  “We actively encourage employee feedback and input into shaping our people practices and business direction. Continuous listening and visible action on feedback are key to our success,” Letsika says.
  

  “When employees see that their ideas influence decisions and outcomes, it strengthens engagement and drives innovation across the organisation.”
  

  While the culture and standards upheld by any business matter, one element which is starting to become more and more important to employees is how a business is making a difference to the outside world.
  

  Letsika says that this is a major focus area for JTI South Africa, with the enablement of opportunities for employees to assist in this regard a key facet of their operations.
  

  “Community impact forms part of our broader commitment to responsible business. Employees value working for an organisation that contributes positively to society,” Letsika shares.
  

  “We support this through employee-driven initiatives and programmes that enable employees to contribute to communities while strengthening our connection to the societies in which we operate.”
  

  Looking ahead with purpose
  

  In what is becoming an increasingly digital and purpose-led world, JTI South Africa is steadfast in upholding their key priorities of Empowerment, Connection, and Growth.
  

  These three priorities cover capability building, meaningful growth conversations, and leadership development, with their Leadership@JTI initiative a pillar in ensuring success.
  

  However, that does not mean the integration of new technologies should be overlooked, but rather the right balance be found to ensure a formula for future success.
  

  “Looking ahead, one of the biggest focus areas is the responsible integration of AI and digital capability. We are investing in digital and AI literacy while ensuring strong governance, ethical use, and human-centred implementation.
  

  “Our goal is to enhance decision-making, productivity, and employee experience, while maintaining the human connection that drives our culture and innovation,” Letsika concludes.

  
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  Keep Africa’s steel in African hands
  

  The steel that builds Africa should
  be owned by Africa, writes Lebo Radebe
  

  South Africa’s manufacturing industry is on the precipice with the future of Arcelor Mittal South Africa (AMSA) hanging in the balance while international vultures are circling to ensure it is exterminated.
  

  While the future of AMSA is under review in boardrooms, government, labour, as well as the manufacturing sector, firm offers by South African businesspeople to save the giant steel company and keep it in the hands of local people have been put on the table.
  

  What boggles the mind is that these are serious offers by serious people and if there is a genuine desire to save the colossal steel company, these offers would have been snapped up and thousands of jobs saved.
  

  As the South African Manufacturers Foundation, we have to ask this obvious question: Is this purely the lack of a political will or there are other sinister motives at play?
  

  Steel is a strategic asset. Therefore, it is critical who should own and control Africa’s industrial backbone. It matters who benefits from it, and who bears the cost when it fails. So, this is about more than one transaction.
  

  Once a thriving steel industry which for decades was the bedrock of industrilisation and provider of essential materials for construction, manufacturing, and infrastructure, the industry now finds itself at a crossroads. It is facing a crisis that threatens jobs, economic stability, and the industrial future.
  

  The recipe for the disaster is well documented: rising energy costs, outdated infrastructure, a flood of cheaper imports, unreliable and inefficient rail logistics, weak local demand, and a lack of government infrastructure spending which have pushed it to the brink.
  

  Yet this is the industry that underpins infrastructure, housing, mining, transport, energy, and manufacturing. Countries that cede control of steel cede control of development.
  

  For SAMF, one principle must guide any AMSA deal: It must prioritise African ownership, African control, and African industrial objectives.
  

  Public Support Must Protect Jobs
  

  In recent months, AMSA has retrenched between 3 500 and 5 000 workers, further condemning them and their families to abject poverty. These losses are in sharp contrast with the government’s repeated commitment to help stabilise the company.
  

  AMSA has said it is closing its long steel operations largely due to among others lack of government support, making the Newcastle and Veereeniging plants unprofitable. A struggling economy and policies leaning towards scrap-based mini mills over raw material added fuel to the fire.
  

  While the government is stalling on resolving the matter, workers are in limbo. At issue is the valuation gap for the potential sale to the Industrial Development Corporation with talks of R7 billion on the table while AMSA is said to demand considerably more.
  

  We believe that public capital should protect jobs and drive industrial expansion—not socialise losses while employment shrinks. Talking about revival while cutting thousands of jobs raises serious questions about alignment between policy and practice.
  

  Granted, multinational companies have the edge when bidding for tenders because of their expertise and qualifications but this should not be used to lockout African players and deny them ownership. African players raising their hands should be rewarded and given a chance.
  

  Industrial policy cannot be ownership-neutral. Ownership determines where profits flow, where strategy is set, and whether long-term national and continental interests outweigh short-term balance sheet gains.
  

  The crises facing the industry didn’t crop up overnight. It is not a secret that the government has been aware of the risks and at some point, came up with South African Steel and Metal Fabrication Master Plan which was introduced in 2021 and touted as the strategy to revitalise the sector and drive growth.
  

  It was paraded as the answer to boost local production and reduce reliance on imports but a Stellenbosch Business School research and evaluation of the current state of the industry and the objectives of the plan found it to be entirely underwhelming.
  

  The institution concluded that instead of sparking revival, the plan struggled to address the fundamental issues crippling the industry.
  

  It could be the answers to some of the challenges facing the industry are among us.
  

  The old narrative that African capital is absent or unprepared can no longer fly. South African firms such as Networth Investments have submitted proposals to acquire AMSA and these proposals have been backed by committed capital and turnaround plans.
  

  This is proof of local capability and willingness to carry industrial risk. Pan-African investors have also stepped forward. Entities associated with Prince Estifanos Matewos and Royal Investments, with metallurgical partners, have signalled readiness to invest in steel and rail.
  

  An African-backed consortium has tabled a R5 billion offer for steel assets—a concrete indication that African ownership is viable at scale.
  

  These are not symbolic gestures. They are serious offers that challenge the assumption that Africa must outsource control of its most strategic industries.
  

  Steel is not only about tonnage. It is about beneficiation—turning iron ore into higher-value products within Africa, instead of exporting raw materials and importing finished goods.
  

  With African control, steel can:
  

  • • Anchor downstream manufacturing
    
  • • Support rail, construction, automotive, and green infrastructure
    
  • • Strengthen regional supply chains under the African Continental Free trade Agreement
    
  • • Retain skills, profits and decision-making on the continent
    

  Without this, Africa repeats a familiar cycle: exporting value and importing dependency.
  

  The AMSA decision will echo beyond South Africa. Across the continent, governments face the same choice: preserve strategic industries through inclusive, development-led ownership, or default to models that prioritise short-term relief over long-term industrial sovereignty.
  

  One path preserves the status quo: concentrated ownership, weak competition and recurring job losses. The other builds African ownership, industrial depth, jobs, and shared prosperity.
  

  The Moment to Act
  

  SAMF’s view is clear. Alternatives exist. They are African. They are credible. They are financed. They are ready.
  

  What remains is whether African institutions will back them. If this moment is missed, it will not be for lack of options, but for lack of resolve.
  

  If it is seized, AMSA can become a symbol not of decline, but of Africa reclaiming its industrial future. The steel that builds Africa should be owned by Africa.
  

  Lebo Radebe is the Acting CEO of the South African Manufacturers Foundation (SAMF).

   

  

   

  
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  Meet the nuclear scientist turned entrepreneur
  

  Ido Lekota sat down with the founder and CEO of SimSciex, Nomso Faith Kana, to find out more about the incredible work she is doing for the betterment of Africa and its people
  

  Nomso Faith Kana stands out as a dynamic force in South Africa’s evolving technology landscape, blending a strong foundation in nuclear science with visionary entrepreneurship in ICT.
  

  As the founder and CEO of SimSciex, she has been instrumental in designing and implementing fibre-optic broadband infrastructure that bridges the connectivity gap for underserved rural and township communities.
  

  With academic roots in Chemistry and Computer Science from the University of Fort Hare, Nomso channeled her scientific expertise into addressing one of Africa’s most pressing challenges: digital inclusion in the world-changing digital era.
  

  Her influence extends beyond business leadership into national policy and social advocacy. As a Commissioner on South Africa’ Presidential Commission on the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and a governor at the Nuclear Energy Foundation Agency, Nomso plays a pivotal role in shaping the country’s technological future.
  

  She is also a passionate advocate for youth education and gender equity in Science Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM), having co-founded Taungana Africa to empower high schools. Recognition of her impactful work includes the Africa Women Innovation & Entrepreneurship Forum (AWIEF) Young Entrepreneurship Award and commendations from Standford University, underscoring her commitment to transforming tech spaces through inclusive innovation.
  

  A recent interview with Leadership Magazine introduced a young female dynamo driven by a powerful mission: to tackle one of Africa’s most persistent challenges—“energy poverty”. This issue not only includes the lack of access to electricity, a basic service that transforms lives, but more critically, the absence of affordable broadband connectivity for millions across the continent.
  

  What inspired your transition from nuclear science to founding SimSciex Technologies and focusing on broadband infrastructure?
  

  My transitioning from nuclear science to digital connectivity was driven by a realisation that “energy poverty” in Africa extended beyond electricity to include a lack of access to broadband. I also came to realise digital power as an essential for development and broadband infrastructure as the foundation of modern economy. Applying my scientific background I founded SimSciex to tackle the infrastructure gap and unlock human potential through digital inclusion.
  

  How do you see improved broadband connectivity driving economic growth, particularly in underserved rural and township communities?
  

  Broadband is a vital utility that transforms underserved communities by enabling economic inclusion through access to digital markets, improving education by removing geographic barriers, enhancing healthcare via telemedicine, and creating digital job opportunities. It helps retain local talent, turning brain drain into brain gain.
  

  Can you share some of the challenges you face as a woman and a nuclear scientist entering the ICT and telecommunications sector in South Africa?
  

  My journey has been a test of resilience, marked by challenges from entering male-dominated fields like nuclear science and ICT, where I had to continuously prove my technical and business skills. I faced industry gatekeeping in the telecom sector, overcoming skepticism as a female outsider, and struggled to secure capital, needing a strong business case to persuade risk-averse investors to support her deep-tech venture. However, my scientific background became my secret weapon. It taught me that complex problems are solved with data, evidence, and unwavering logic. I used that to navigate these challenges, letting the strength of our proposals and our technical execution do the talking.
  

  How does your background in Chemistry and Computer Science influence your approach to solving problems?
  

  My problem-solving approach combines chemistry and computer science to tackle complex challenges. Chemistry has taught me systems thinking by breaking down problems into fundamental components and understanding their interactions, while computer science provides the logical framework to design scalable, technology-driven solutions. This blend allows me to both analyse ecosystems and engineer effective interventions.
  

  What impact has SimSciex had so far in connecting underserved communities, and what are your plans for expansion across Africa?
  

  We measure our impact by connecting tens of thousands of users in underserved South African communities with high-speed, affordable broadband, enabling access to education, government services, and digital entrepreneurship. Our expansion strategy focuses on adapting the model through partnerships with local telcos and governments in East and West Africa, aiming to become a pan-African leader in sustainable, community-tailored digital infrastructure development.
  

  How important is youth STEM education and gender equity in your vision for Africa’s technology advancement?
  

  STEM education and gender equity are essential pillars for Africa’s future, not optional. With the world’s youngest population, Africa’s youth potential must be intentionally developed through STEM to create innovators who solve local challenges. Ensuring gender equity in STEM is critical to fully harness the continent’s talent, fostering diverse and inclusive innovation for sustainable tech advancement.
  

  Can you tell us more about your work with Taungana Africa and how empowering high school girls in STEM can shape the continent’s future?
  

  My work with Taungana is deeply fulfilling, as it empowers high school girls from rural and township areas through STEM boot camps, mentorship, and university readiness. By breaking the cycle of exclusion, these girls transform their own lives, become community role models, and contribute unique perspectives to Africa’s innovation, creating solutions that address local challenges and promote equitable technological advancement.
  

  What is your view about the contention that what developing countries like South Africa need is STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts & Maths) education?
  

  I strongly agree with the contention. The inclusion of the Arts (the ‘A’) is a critical evolution. While STEM provides the technical tools, the Arts provide the essential human context—creativity, empathy, ethical reasoning, cultural understanding, and design thinking. African problems are complex and human-centric. You can engineer a perfect mobile health app, but if it isn’t designed with an understanding of local languages, cultural beliefs, and user behaviour, it will fail. A water purification system must be technically sound (STEM), but its adoption depends on community buy-in, which requires communication, storytelling, and design (Arts). STEAM produces the holistic innovators we need: the engineer who is also a creative thinker, the data scientist who understands ethics, the nuclear technician who can communicate effectively with the public.
  

  What advice would you give to young women aspiring to pursue careers in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics?
  

  • • Embrace Your Curiosity: Don’t ever stop asking “why” and “how”. That innate curiosity is your greatest asset.
    
  • • Find Your Tribe: Seek out mentors and communities of other women in STEM. You are not alone. Their support and guidance are invaluable.
    
  • • Be Resilient, Not Perfect: You will face obstacles and moments of self-doubt. Do not let the pursuit of perfection paralyse you. Embrace failure as a data point on your path to success.
    
  • • Your Perspective is Your Power: Your unique experiences as a woman are a strength, not a weakness. They allow you to see problems and solutions others might miss. Bring your whole self to the table.
    
  • • Never Stop Learning: The fields of STEM and ICT evolve rapidly. Cultivate a mindset of continuous learning.
    

  Looking ahead, how do you envision the convergence of nuclear energy, ICT, and the Fourth Industrial Revolution advancing Africa’s sustainable development?
  

  The convergence of nuclear energy and advanced digital technologies is crucial for Africa’s sustainable and independent future. Nuclear energy provides the reliable, low-carbon power needed to support industrialisation and expansive digital infrastructure. Meanwhile, ICT and Fourth Industrial Revolution technologies like AI and IoT optimise energy distribution, enhance nuclear safety, and enable smart networks.
  

  Together, they create a synergy that powers broadband connectivity, driving sustainable development through precision agriculture, healthcare, education, and efficient resource management.
  

  Ido Lekota is a media practitioner and an independent socio-political commentator.

   

  

   

  
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  Fearless Africa on a fractured stage
  

  Lionel Jean Michel shares his thoughts on the G20 summit
  

  In Johannesburg, beneath the disciplined glare of blue lights and the freshly patched asphalt of Sandton’s suddenly immaculate roads, the world’s most influential economies gathered in late November for a meeting that South Africa had been preparing for with almost ceremonial determination.
  

  The 2025 G20 summit was more than a diplomatic calendar entry. It was an African debut on the world’s premier economic stage, an opportunity to prove that global governance need not orbit exclusively around the wealthiest capitals of the North.
  

  The city looked curiously polished. Pavements that were previously victim to municipal neglect gleamed with newly placed brickwork. Traffic officers, drafted in from distant provinces, formed almost theatrical lines along the precinct, and the ordinarily unfussed Sandton police presence morphed overnight into what many residents described as a near-militarised zone.
  

  There was a faint irony in this: a nation notorious for its infrastructural patchwork had temporarily dressed itself in its Sunday best to impress a club whose decisions would later shape the fortunes of billions.
  

  But behind the cosmetic upgrades lay months of serious diplomatic labour. South Africa had inherited the G20 presidency with a determination to shift the narrative from one that marginalised the developing world to one that recognised its political voice and economic weight. And for two days in Johannesburg, that ambition flickered into life. The G20’s origins are steeped in crisis. Born in 1999 after the Asian financial meltdown, it began as a gathering of finance ministers trying to prevent the next catastrophe. It became a leaders’ summit only after the global crash of 2008 exposed the inadequacies of older institutions like the G7. That shift was pragmatic. The world needed a forum that included China, India, Brazil, and, crucially, Africa.
  

  However, inclusion does not equate to influence. For years, the Global South’s participation often felt like a polite courtesy rather than a meaningful stake. South Africa’s turn at the presidency sought to correct that imbalance.
  

  The theme, ‘Solidarity, Equality, Sustainability’, was not mere branding. It expressed a deliberate shift towards issues largely neglected in earlier summits: the crushing burden of sovereign debt, climate injustice, food insecurity, industrialisation through critical minerals, and the growing demand for a re-engineered financial architecture.
  

  Johannesburg was therefore no ordinary meeting. It was Africa’s first chance to set the tone, define the questions, and insist that the global conversation finally acknowledge the continent’s structural constraints, and its potential.
  

  Attendance at a G20 often signals the health of international cooperation. On this front, the Johannesburg summit arrived with a blemish. Several of the world’s most influential leaders chose to remain at home.
  

  Donald Trump’s absence was the least subtle of these. His boycott signalled an overt rejection of a multilateral forum he has long accused of undermining American primacy. China’s Xi Jinping and Russia’s Vladimir Putin were also no-shows, sending their deputies instead.
  

  To the untrained eye, such absences weaken the summit’s legitimacy. However, for many observers, this vacuum created an unexpected opening. The usual choreography dominated by Washington, Beijing, and Moscow was disrupted. The centre of gravity shifted, however slightly, and the voices of middle powers grew clearer. Delegations from India, Brazil, the European Union, the African Union, and several Asian economies had more room to articulate the concerns of the Global South.
  

  South Africa seized the moment, positioning itself as both convener and mediator. In the back rooms, negotiators worked without drama but with a quiet, persistent resolve: if the political giants had opted out of the performance, then the remaining members would deliver a script shaped by equity rather than hegemony.
  

  Months of preparatory work ensured that the Johannesburg agenda reflected African and developing-world realities. Debt vulnerability featured prominently. So did climate finance, energy transition pathways, infrastructure investment, and fairer trade mechanisms.
  

  The continent’s long struggle with extractive economic relationships, particularly around critical minerals, was placed firmly on the table. South Africa, flanked by its neighbours, argued that the age of exporting raw materials for others to refine must end. Industrialisation would have meaning only when beneficiation and manufacturing accompanied extraction. The message was clear: Africa must no longer serve as the world’s warehouse.
  

  Food security, too, moved into sharp focus. With climate shocks, conflict and volatile markets deepening hunger across regions, African governments pressed for predictable financing, resilient agricultural systems, and improved access to technologies that were previously the preserve of wealthy nations.
  

  Another significant thread ran through almost every discussion: governance reform. Calls to modernise institutions such as the IMF and World Bank, to amplify the voting power of developing nations and to institutionalise African representation, gained momentum. For many delegates, this was not radicalism but simple arithmetic. If the Global South holds most of the world’s population, natural resources, and future economic growth, then it ought to hold proportionate authority.
  

  Even as the summit’s technical work progressed, the world could not ignore the symbolic impact of the United States’ empty chair. Washington’s decision to sit out did not collapse the summit, but it cast a long shadow.
  

  The absence conveyed an ambivalence that troubled many allies. If one of the architects of the post-war economic order appears unwilling to participate in its upkeep, then the world’s shared challenges of climate change, debt distress, pandemics, energy insecurity risk drifting into unmanaged space.
  

  There was also a subtler consequence. Without the gravitational pull of the US, alternative power centres became more assertive. India and Brazil stepped into roles of constructive leadership. The EU took the opportunity to promote climate commitments. The African Union, present as a permanent member, argued for new global compacts rather than recycled promises.
  

  The effect was paradoxical. America’s absence weakened the G20’s universality but strengthened its diversity. It created a vacuum that others rushed to fill.
  

  The final declaration, stretching across more than a hundred commitments, was a testament to months of difficult negotiation. It acknowledged Africa’s concerns, recognised the fairness deficit in global systems, and committed to reforms in climate finance, energy transition, debt treatment, and governance structures.
  

  But harmony was not absolute. Argentina refused to endorse the document, citing insufficient recognition of regional geopolitical tensions. This dissent did not derail the summit, yet it served as a reminder that global consensus is increasingly elusive in a world of fractured alliances.
  

  Still, for most delegations, particularly those from the developing world, the declaration marked a departure from the G20’s traditional preoccupations. It felt more honest, more representative, and more attuned to the world that exists beyond the corridors of European or American power.
  

  The domestic debate around hosting the G20 could fill another article. Many South Africans were sceptical, viewing the summit through the everyday frustrations of load-shedding, unemployment, and corruption. Yet as a host nation, South Africa performed with quiet competence.
  

  Logistically, the event proceeded smoothly. Security may have verged on excessive, but it was effective. Infrastructure, albeit hastily spruced up, held together. Delegations praised the professionalism of the summit staff and the clarity with which South Africa articulated its presidency priorities.
  

  More importantly, South Africa demonstrated rare diplomatic backbone. It refused to be intimidated by the absence of global powerhouses. It ensured that African issues did not appear as footnotes but as central pillars. And it steered the G20 into conversations that had previously been avoided or strategically delayed.
  

  In the realm of global diplomacy, symbolism matters. Johannesburg sent a symbolic message: Africa is no longer content to hold a seat at the back of the room. It wants its name on the agenda.
  

  Criticism, of course, was inevitable. Some analysts called the summit a polished performance masking the country’s domestic shortcomings. Others suggested that South Africa was too accommodating to its BRICS partners. A few dismissed the outcomes as lofty ideals unlikely to materialise.
  

  Such critique cannot be wholly ignored. The G20 declaration, like many before it, risks becoming a museum of noble intentions if implementation falters. Sovereign debt relief requires political courage. Climate finance requires long-term investment. Reforming global institutions requires unprecedented cooperation.
  

  And there is a more pressing question: what tangible benefit will the summit deliver to ordinary South Africans? Citizens struggling with poverty or crime may see little connection between the G20 and their lived reality. Unless South Africa translates global commitments into domestic programmes, the summit risks becoming a diplomatic trophy rather than a developmental catalyst.
  

  Several side meetings hinted at future trade and investment partnerships, though none amounted to dramatic announcements. The most promising discussions revolved around renewable-energy financing, critical-minerals value chains, and infrastructure resilience. Food security and agricultural technology exchanges received notable attention, particularly between African and Asian partners.
  

  Yet the true legacy of the Johannesburg summit will be judged not by the immediate deals but by the longer-term shift in global consciousness. Africa’s economic priorities are no longer treated as optional extras. They have been woven into the global agenda.
  

  This alone may prove transformative.
  

  The 2025 G20 Johannesburg summit may not have delivered groundbreaking treaties or sweeping geopolitical realignments. Yet it achieved something more subtle and perhaps more consequential.
  

  It forced the world to confront its own contradictions. It exposed the fragility of old alliances and the rise of new ones. It placed Africa at the centre of a forum that had long spoken about the continent but seldom listened to it. It demonstrated that leadership is not the preserve of those with the largest economies but of those with the clearest conviction.
  

  Behind the sirens, the polished pavements, and the fortified precincts, something important occurred. South Africa, often criticised for hesitancy on the global stage, found its voice, not in bluster or bravado but in steady, principled insistence. As the delegations departed and Sandton slowly returned to its familiar imperfections, one truth remained. The world is shifting and Johannesburg, for two disciplined days in November, was the hinge.
  

  Whether the G20 now steps through that doorway or retreats into old habits will define the next decade of global governance.
  

  South Africa has handed the world a mirror. What nations choose to see in it—inequality, opportunity, fragility, or the possibility of renewal, will shape us all.
  

  Lionel Jean Michel

  

   

  

   

  
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  Navigating general, presidential, and local elections in Africa in 2026
  

  Africa’s 2026 elections will reflect a continent at a crossroads, balancing democratic aspirations against persistent political instability, economic hardship, cultural assimilation, and governance deficits, writes Ras Adv Sipho Mantula
  

   Youth participation, electoral integrity, and security conditions will be decisive in determining whether these elections will strengthen participatory democracy or deepen existing cracks.
  

  As history has shown in Africa, the stakes go far beyond ballots—they will shape electoral legitimacy, credibility, justice, peace, and development across the continent for years to come.
  

  A total of seventeen (17) African countries will hold presidential elections across the continent, according to the African elections calendar released by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy (EISA) for 2026.
  

  Below is a month-by-month overview of African elections scheduled or expected in 2026, along with broader political, economic, and cultural significance.
  

  January 2026
  

  
  

  Uganda
  

  Ugandans will have voted in presidential and parliamentary elections after nearly four decades of rule by President Yoweri Museveni. These elections are always highly contested in East Africa, with concerns over restrictions on the opposition, vote buying, the use of security forces, and electoral credibility.
  

  March 2026
  

  
  

  Republic of the Congo
  

  The Republic of Congo will hold its next Presidential election on March 22, and President Denis Sassou Nguesso, who has been in power since 1997 and removed the age limit for the presidency in 2015, is expected to seek another term, extending his decades-long grip on power in Central Africa.
  

  April 2026
  

  
  

  Benin
  

  Benin’s election comes after years of democratic backsliding, including constitutional changes and restrictions on opposition parties. The vote will be closely watched as a measure of whether the country can reclaim its democratic reputation.
  

  Libya
  

  Libya’s long-delayed elections could mark a turning point after years of political fragmentation and conflict. However, security concerns and disputes over electoral rules continue to cast uncertainty over whether the polls will proceed as planned.
  

  Djibouti
  

  President Ismail Omar Guelleh is expected to extend his rule in a tightly controlled political environment. The election is unlikely to see meaningful competition but remains essential for regional geopolitics in the Horn of Africa.
  

  Cape Verde
  

  Cape Verde’s elections are expected to reinforce its standing as one of Africa’s most stable democracies, with peaceful competition between well-established political parties.
  

  May 2026
  

  
  

  Cameroon
  

  These elections come amid rising youth frustration, economic challenges, and political fatigue following decades of President Paul Biya’s extended rule, which is set to continue until 2031. While parliamentary polls are unlikely to shift power dramatically, they will signal public sentiment ahead of future presidential contests.
  

  June 2026
  

  
  

  Ethiopia
  

  Ethiopia’s elections follow years of conflict, fragile peace efforts, and political restructuring since 2020. The vote will test whether the country can move toward stability, inclusivity, and democratic recovery after prolonged unrest.
  

  Algeria
  

  Algeria’s polls will take place against a backdrop of economic strain and continued calls for political reform following the Hirak protest movement. Voter engagement and turnout will be key indicators of public trust.
  

  August 2026
  

  
  

  Zambia
  

  Zambia’s elections will serve as a critical test of democratic consolidation following the peaceful transfer of power in 2021. Economic performance, debt management and governance reforms are expected to dominate the campaign.
  

  September 2026
  

  
  

  São Tomé and Príncipe
  

  The island nation’s elections are expected to proceed peacefully, continuing its tradition of competitive democratic politics.
  

  Morocco
  

  Morocco’s vote will shape the balance between the monarchy-backed executive and elected institutions, with economic pressures and youth unemployment high on the agenda.
  

  December 2026
  

  
  

  The Gambia
  

  President Adama Barrow faces a pivotal election as Gambians assess progress since the end of Yahya Jammeh’s authoritarian rule. Issues of governance reform, justice and economic opportunity will be central.
  

  South Sudan
  

  If held, South Sudan’s elections would be the country’s first since independence in 2011. The vote is seen as a crucial step toward achieving peace and legitimacy, although insecurity and political mistrust pose significant challenges.
  

  
  

  Apart from the presidential elections, Algeria, Benin, Cameroon, Morocco, Somaliland, South Africa, and Western Sahara will hold local and legislative elections to elect representatives to their various local councils and national assemblies.
  

  Ras Adv Sipho Mantula

   

  

   

  
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