Saturday, February 04, 2012

Land reform

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FarmlandsWith green paper out real debate to start

A Green Paper on land reform that has already been signed off by the Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform, Gugile Nkwinti, and is on its way to Cabinet for approval, proposes radical changes to the way land is owned in South Africa.

One of its proposals holds that government will decide when farmers own “too much land” for a particular type of farming activity and they will be forced to share the surplus land with black South Africans. Another is to prohibit foreigners from owning “commercial land” in South Africa without the consent of local communities and participation of black partners.

Lucrative Western Cape wine farms are among the targets of the new policy, judging by remarks made by Nkwinti’s spokesperson Mthobeli Mxotwa. These farms, while often owned by foreigners, are nonetheless highly productive and are exporting some of South Africa’s finest wines to the rest of the world.

The argument regarding ownership of game farms that are also often the property of absentee foreigners is more complex. The successful ones are earning South Africa considerable income, while others are simply privately owned white elephants or weekend farms.

The decision to target foreign ownership has both merits and negatives and will have to be very carefully managed and publicised for fear of further hardening attitudes and investor resistance to South Africa. However these forms of shared land ownership involving foreigners are not altogether new and are practised successfully in many countries.

It may also become a growing trend in the near future given the ever- increasing pressure on governments to plan and act for greater food security in a world challenged by the potential of climate change.

As has been rightly noted in a research paper released by the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars and titled Asia’s future – Agriculture and land use: Competition among various land uses will be one of the most significant trends affecting Asia’s environment over the next 20 years.

Foreign enterprises are also increasingly investing in land ownership and land use rights in the Southern Africa region for agriculture, harvest of natural resources, tourism, biofuels and other industries – often competing with domestic ownership, investment and livelihoods.

Although technology continues to improve agricultural yields, foreign exports and other uses for land, as well as access to adequate water supplies are increasingly affecting food security in these countries.

But whether government officials with little or no agricultural experience or knowledge will be the right people to decide what size of farm is required for a specific agricultural activity is another question altogether. According to Rapport newspaper the president of AgriSA, Johannes Möller, has already rejected the proposals as being “stupid”. He reportedly said the department itself does not even know how to implement such a policy.

Mxotwa said the department was developing a new land tenure system and planned a complete overhaul of land ownership in South Africa with this new policy. This will include a commission for land management which will create and maintain a database of the ownership of every piece of land in South Africa.

The main objective of the policy, says the department, is to empower black South Africans to become landowners and reverse the current imbalances where 83% of commercial land in the country was owned by white farmers and businesses while 13% was shared among blacks, coloureds and Indians. It is difficult to establish whether these figures are really up to date or not. The term “commercial land” in the policy document also does not only refer to commercial farms but all land on which commercial business is conducted.


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The policy was developed after increasing criticism of the government’s slow progress with its land reform and redistribution programme.

While the blame was put largely on alleged resistance by white farmers, government has tended to ignore well-founded criticism of incompetence by its own land claims commission and the department.

For one, many emerging black farmers to whom once-productive farmlands have been allocated have no working capital, skills or experience and have been left to fend for themselves by government. The result has been the collapse of these farms.

On this score Möller perhaps quite rightly commented that it would have been better for government to first address this problem and help these emerging black farmers get on their feet, before trying to radically alter land ownership structures.

Way forward

After being presented to the Cabinet, the policy document will have to go through a parliamentary process that is likely to generate controversy and resistance, including Constitutional Court challenges.

It is therefore impossible to predict when the proposed new policy will actually be implemented.

Perhaps the only reassuring thing about the Green Paper at this stage, may be Mxotwa’s assurance that the government will not conduct land grabs “left and right” and that all affected parties will be able to make submissions before a final policy and legislation is adopted.

But in the past government has demonstrated a willingness to shift the goal posts regarding other “assurances”, such as that relating to the willing seller-willing buyer principle and market-related prices for instance.

These changes will also have to pass constitutional scrutiny. But the tension created between the two basic sections in the Bill of Rights dealing with property rights –  the right to secure ownership of land versus the right to redressing historical imbalances – is likely to favour this policy.

Mxotwa has indicated that the new policy proposals are built around three basic concepts:

  • Limiting the size of land that can be privately owned by one person, with government having the right to acquire the “excess” land and leasing it to black South African farmers;
  • That state land may in future never be sold but only leased; and
  • That foreigners buying commercial land in South Africa but who do not live on it, may only farm if they have black South African partners and that there should be productive discipline on such land.
Comments (2)
  • Hannes g.  - Land Grab
    Go ahead! fuck it up properly!Instead of getting blacks educated in order for them to be taken up in the main stream and then should they be interested in farming lending money to them to purchase farms this must now be taken away from white people who through generations have aquired the land and successfully built the farms up into commercially viable operations.Urbanised blacks will not be interested in farming so this means peasants farming on previously productive land. These guys will not rest until the country is ultimately stuffed.
    Happy landings!!
  • Bo Karoo Internet Agri  - Een Nasionale grondhervormings beleid ongrondwetli
    INLEIDING
    Dit is vandag vir ons as belangegroep ‘n voorreg om namens redelike Suid-Afrikaners met ander redelike Suid-Afrikaners in gesprek te tree.
    Hierdie is nie ‘n polities gedrewe versoek nie, dit moet eerder gesien word as ‘n poging om menseregte, wat ‘n baie belangrike komponent van Die Grondwet van Suid-Afrika is, te verwesenlik.
    Hierdie is ‘n poging van ons om volgens die Grondwet, die reg, internasionale reg, ooreenkomste en die geskiedenis, u te oortuig dat ons landbougemeenskap ‘n inheemse reg tot selfbeskikking het binne Pixley Ka Seme, Suid van die Oranjerivier.
    Om almal eers aan boord te kry, wil die belangegroep net vinnig ‘n paar geskiedkundige, geografiese feite aan u voorhou. Hierdie feite is van toepassing op die territoriale entiteit bekend as Pixley Ka Seme, Suid van die Oranjerivier, binne die grense van Suid-Afrika.
    GESKIEDKUNDIGE AGTERGROND
    Soos die hele mensdom, het die belangegroep sy oorsprong in Afrika. Hierdie groep het toe weer later teruggekeer na sy kontinent van herkoms en het hom gevestig in die betrokke verlate territoriale entiteit (Pixley Ka Seme) waar geen permanente bestaan en gewoontereg geheers het nie - dus niemandsland. Hieruit het ‘n gewoontereg, eienaarskap, geskiedenis, taal, kultuur en eerste permanente betaan ontwikkel. Die landbougemeenskap (tradisionele gemeenskap, ‘n ‘tribe’ van die Afrikaner) binne die Pixley Ka Seme grense, Suid van die Oranjerivier, is dus inheems aan die gebied.
    The wilderness on the edge of a settled area in a country is called a frontier. An example of an frontier (no man’s land) in South Africa was the region south of Griekwaland West and the Orange river and north of the Cape Colony (Graaff- Reinet) borders.
    One of the reasons the Cape Northern (Pixley Ka Seme, Bo Karoo) Frontier stayed an open frontier until the early 18th century, was the climate and environment. The first plans to expand the Cape Colony to the Orange River were implemented in 1820, with the arrival of the British settlers. But local farmers had been settling outside the official borders of the Cape colony and south of Griekwaland and the Orange river for many years.
    Pionier-veeboere en voorvaders van ons belangegroep het hulself so vroeg as omstreeks 1770 in die gebied (Pixley Ka Seme) kom vestig. Geen dorpe het bestaan nie en daar is van blanke bywoners se arbeid gebruik gemaak, omdat daar nie ander arbeid was nie. In hierdie territoriale entiteit het die belangegroep ‘n taal, kultuur, gewoontereg, ‘n eerste permanente bestaan, eienaarskap van grond en geskiedenis ontwikkel wat eie is aan die inheemse kultuurgroep, voordat ander uitheemse, etniese trekarbeiders hulle hier kom vestig het.
    Die dorpe in die bogenoemde territoriale entiteit was eers plase. Dorpe het ontstaan weens ‘n behoefte van ons belangegroep aan skole, kerke en winkels. Plase is deur lede van die belangegroep uitgekoop om as dorpe te dien, tot voordeel van die belangegroep. (Sien aangehegte foto’s van dorp)
    Die gebied is ontwikkel vanaf ‘n ongerepte semi-ariede gebied met waterskaarste en beperkte natuurlike hulpbronne, tot ‘n ontwikkelde gebied met ‘n werkbare infrastruktuur deur intellektuele kapitaal, metodes en tegnologie van die belangegroep. Die invoer van die Merinoskaap-ras vanaf Duitsland in 1789 en later vanaf die koning van Spanje en die internasionale wêreld, het ‘n struktuur geskep vir ‘n ekonomie en die infrastruktuur van die gebied weens die uitvoermark wat vir wol geskep is. Dus het ons patentereg op die gebied se ontwikkeling.
    Die vee Sensus-opname van die Hanover distrik in 1828 (3 jaar na kolonialisering) het die volgende statistieke opgelewer: Die veegetalle was as volg: 494 perde, 535 trekosse, 428 aanteelbeeste, 42 488 skape en 1 768 bokke. Bogenoemde statistieke en vele ander feite staaf die werklikheid.
    Die hofuitspraak in 1965 in die Internasionale Hof in Denhaag, bevestig dat Afrika "tribes" geen tradisionele reg op 40% van Suid-Afrika het nie. Dit sluit Pixley Ka Seme, Suid van die Oranjerivier, in. Die oorblywende 60% is ‘n warboel van teenstrydighede. Die Suid-Afrikaanse weergawe is vervat in Aanhangsel A, Volume 1 van die "Rejoiner filed by the Government of the Republic of South Africa". Dus moet daar gekyk word wie eerste ‘n permanente bestaan gevoer het in ‘n gebied, want daardie mense is inheems aan daardie gebied - voordat wette gemaak word wat inbreuk maak op kultuurgroepe se Grondwetlike regte.
    Although all South Africans have incompatible memories, we all heirs of exstreme agraviting circumstances.
    OORSAKE VIR TREKARBEIDERS
    Die vernaamste oorsaak vir die ontstaan van Xhosa-trekarbeiders, was die nasionale Xhosa selfmoord van 1857. NB: (Bylae bl. 7) (Nongquawuse)
    Menseregteskendings BUITE Pixley Ka Seme weens apartheid en Engelse kolonialisme, was die twee vernaamste redes waarom trekarbeid onstaan het. Die volgende situasie was die gevolg van die Flair Glen Komitee van 1874 onder kolonialisme.
    D...
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