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After Terre’Blanche, there is hope for improvement in farm securityApril seems to be developing a reputation for being a dangerous month for South Africa on the political front. This year, it has seen the country move to the brink and back in developments featuring two of its more controversial characters at opposite ends of the political spectrum – ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema and the late Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) leader, Eugene Terre’Blanche.
Never, since the slaying of struggle icon Chris Hani by right-wing extremists 17 years ago in April 1993, has South Africa been more in danger of descending into violent political conflict than after the murder of Terre’Blanche.
But, like it did 17 years ago, when South Africa was just one year away from its momentous first democratic elections, this time it seems to be weathering the crisis quite well. In fact, there are clear signs that the South African nation may come out of the present situation with a renewed appreciation of the need to accommodate all sectors of its very diverse society.
There still, however, lie testing times ahead, among others in the face of a long and likely protracted drama around the trial of Terre’Blanche’s alleged two young murderers.
Not only was the reaction and commentary from most quarters after the murder remarkably restrained from the word go, but it seems finally to have opened up communication between the government and both the beleaguered farming community and right-wing elements who have felt themselves marginalised since the start of constitutional negotiation in the early 1990s.
The first talks between the AWB leadership and Minister of Police Nathi Mthethwa, some three weeks after the murder, went off well and looked promising. In the words of AWB general-secretary André Visagie after the talks: “It is time that we learn to accept one another because we cannot wish one another away.”
From its side, the Ministry said afterward that “it was a very open meeting, and farm murders were key to the agenda. We also introduced our rural safety programme, and they seemed quite happy to hear about it.
“All in all, it was quite a productive discussion for us.”
A spokesperson added, “We have been meeting with various stakeholders on crime, and even though the AWB is not represented in Parliament, we still feel they are one of the important stakeholders we need to consult on farm attacks.”
Mthethwa said he would meet with the farm workers’ union, Food and Allied Workers Union (Fawu), in the near future to listen to their safety concerns.
In the days immediately following the murder, there were clear indications that certain misinformation tactics surrounding the nature of the relationship between Terre’Blanche and his alleged murderers were used to deflate the anger on the right. As things developed, these tactics seemed to have backfired largely.
Not only did it serve to anger the right-wing element even more, but the defendants in the murder trial also went on record that allegations of sexual assault would not be used as part of the defence.
After the meeting with the AWB leadership, the police said they would refrain from commenting further on these issues before they have been before the courts.
According to Visagie, “The police agreed that it is better for both sides to drop the speculation. I think these have been mischievous statements, and we cannot be expected to keep our people calm when others continue angering them like this.”
Certain role-players on the right, however, have used the incident as a recruitment platform for what was a fast dwindling ultra-right movement. In the process, some dangerous scare tactics were being used.
On the ultra-right wing, activist Dr Dan Roodt almost immediately illustrated what can be expected from that side in the months to come.
In a document written by him and widely distributed via e-mail, under the title “Eugene Terre’Blanche and the symbolism of war”, he likens the murder of the right-wing leader to that of Franz Ferdinand in 1914, which triggered World War 1.
In a clear attempt to scare into action the whites – and particularly certain sections of the Afrikaner community – he predicts that genocide of the “Boere and whites” is at hand.
Among others, he puts his own spin on reports in British newspapers about an airstrip being built in Zimbabwean diamond fields to circumvent sanctions against that country, claiming it will be used to fly in Chinese weapons to “arm on a large scale Zimbabwean and South African blacks to rob white farmers of their property. Even people in urban areas might be attacked”.
For once, there was quick action from the government, and the Terre’Blanche family and AWB leadership assisted in maintaining calm. But it so easily could have gone wrong.
One spark could have set it all off, and it would be wrong to accept that the danger is completely behind us.
Much will depend on how effective the government’s action will be to come to grips with the phenomenon of farm attacks.
Unless the government addresses these urgently and meaningfully, the ongoing attacks across the country are a time bomb that could go off at any moment and which poses a far greater risk to national security than any would-be insurrection by any so-called paramilitary right-wing organisation – most of which are little more than extremist fantasy.
While rumours of an unlikely organised right-wing insurrection coupled to the arrest of two men in connection with arms caches found by police in Worcester have done the rounds in mid-April, there is a far greater danger that ongoing farm attacks in the wake of Terre’Blanche’s murder could trigger spontaneous violence.
Perhaps it was fortuitous that Malema overstepped the line on his visit to Zimbabwe in April and the way he treated a BBC journalist, creating the opening for disciplinary action from the ANC leadership. This, and the fact that his leadership came under attack in his home province of Limpopo, has helped to defuse the situation for now.
The events of April further elevated extremist players in the South African political landscape to levels far loftier than they deserve. As much as the views and actions of Terre’Blanche and the AWB are not representative of the overwhelming majority of white South Africans, equally so Malema does not speak on behalf of the overwhelming majority of black South Africans.
There is also opportunity to be found in these tragic developments, namely the opportunity for moderate, sensible and peace-loving South Africans of all races to unite and seize back the middle ground and to denounce racism and extremism in any form. Failure to do so will leave space for the resurgence of radicalism and polarisation.
In its reaction to the Terre’Blanche murder, the South African Institute of Race Relations via a statement by its deputy chief executive officer Frans Cronje said: “The failure of sensible South Africans to take back the racial middle ground in the country will be serious. Polarisation will beget further conflict and a hardening of attitudes on all sides. This is perhaps the greatest leadership test that the current government has faced and one they cannot afford to fail.”
Visagie said: “The police seem to agree that we are not the aggressor and that the Boere Afrikaner nation also has a right to defend itself.
“This actually meant a lot to us, and both parties have rejected all forms of racism or hate speech. We call for people to be very calm and to that effect, we find common ground and we understand each other that we all have a duty to ensure that our country prospers. It is our country, after all,” he added.
With emotions still running high in the Ventersdorp area – and in other rural farming communities – following the murder of Terre’Blanche, yet another farmer has been attacked brutally on his farm near this town.
It is attacks like these in an emotionally charged atmosphere which could trigger revenge attacks and set off a cycle of racial violence rather than any would-be organised campaign by any right-wing organisation.
In the wake of the latest attack, neighbouring farmers, who strongly deny they are members of the AWB, announced that they are organising themselves into night patrols for their own protection.
Such situations easily could lead to incidents stoking racial tension.
At this point, however, it would be impractical and provocative to attempt to stop this sort of neighbourhood watch-type activity among farmers who are vulnerable to attacks.
Hopefully, the authorities will find ways to manage initiatives such as these and form a basis to co-operate with them.
If farm workers – who often are targets of farm attacks themselves – are made part of these initiatives, it may make a contribution to turning the tragic events of the past weeks into a platform for building community relationships.
Piet Coetzer
