ANC’s battle lines drawn

The latest developments around the fate of ANC Youth League (ANCYL) leader Julius Malema may have ushered in a battle in the ANC unlike any seen before. If it runs its full course, the brutality with which it may yet be fought could well make the palace revolt against former President Thabo Mbeki look mild in comparison. But, it might also mark the final transition of the ANC from liberation movement to a truly political party.

That much was evident from the remarks by President Jacob Zuma in an interview published in The Star last Monday. He issued a clear warning to those ANC leaders – members of its national executive committee (NEC) and other leadership structures – who backed and defended Malema and thereby “crossed the line”.

He lashed out at ANC leaders who defended Malema’s actions and his ill-discipline, charging that they “are serving other interests”.

“It is not from the branches, it is from the leadership that the line has been crossed. That’s where the problems is, which undermines the capacity of the ANC to deal with the issues of discipline,” the newspaper quoted him as saying.

Malema’s key defenders in the ANC’s leadership structures include one of the top six officials, namely treasurer-general Mathews Phosa; NEC member and Minister of Human Settlements Tokyo Sexwale; veteran campaigner and NEC member Winnie Madikizela-Mandela; Limpopo premier and provincial ANC chairman Cassel Mathale; and NEC member, former ANCYL president and now Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula. Billy Masethla, the one-time intelligence chief fired by former President Thabo Mbeki, former ANC whip Tony Yengeni, and former ANC strongman in the Northern Cape, John Block, may also be part of this group.

Since the very beginning of Malema’s run-ins with Zuma, individuals from this group have, at various times spoken, out on Malema’s behalf, defending him, pleading for second chances for him, and even attacking Zuma and those who openly opposed Malema.

At one stage some of Malema’s backers seemed to pull back a little, dismissing elements of his more radical policy demands. Maybe they were mere tactical moves as soon afterwards they would again openly defend him. These – around demands for nationalising mines and seizing of white-owned farms – may have resulted from speculated potential benefits these demands held for some of Malema’s allies due to failed or failing mining and BEE ventures.

Leaders of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the SA Communist Party (SACP) said some of these Malema backers had benefitted from black economic empowerment (BEE). Others were labelled by Cosatu as “tenderpreneurs,” who allegedly benefitted from the preferential awarding of state contracts.

Malema is very close to Limpopo’s Mathale and he and/or relatives and close associates are alleged to have benefited in business dealings from this relationship.

When the central government intervened in the arguably bankrupt Limpopo government’s affairs, the pro-Malema faction saw this as a ploy by Zuma to act against them and reduce their political influence. Several Limpopo departments as well as individuals, including Malema, were being investigated in respect of financial and business activities.

Influence of being in government

The influence of being a party controlling government since 1994 on the ANC became especially pronounced in the run up to the Polokwane national conference in 2007, when Mbeki was toppled. It was a watershed moment for the ANC.

Before 2007 it followed a revolutionary tradition in which members did not actively seek or campaign for positions, which were filled through set, closed procedures and positions were seen as a privilege and sacrifice.

At Polokwane a “coalition of the wounded”, as they called themselves, united to oust their common enemy, Mbeki.

In the process power bases which were developing since 1994, became consolidated, candidates were pushed forward and for the first time in the organisation’s history, positions were openly public and hotly contested.

This has become the norm. The practice has intensified and become more widespread. The privilege of serving was replaced with career politicians and the quest for positions that could open doors to material privilege, wealth and power.

It also stands to reason that the diverse “coalition of the wounded” had to disintegrate once it had achieved its primary aim of removing Mbeki. This sets the stage for a hotly contested battle when the ANC elects its next leadership at its national conference in Mangaung in December. Side-lining Malema and his allies effectively at this juncture has become critically important for Zuma.

Final transition

What has clearly emerged the past few months is not only how President Zuma’s confidence as political leader seems to have grown in leaps and bounds, but also how he has further honed his mastery of the political chess game.

As Sam Mkokeli wrote in Business Day earlier this month: “This weekend’s appeals committee announcement — which effectively banished Mr Malema to the wilderness — helps Mr Zuma’s cause hugely…The president is looking very comfortable on his way to re-election in December. Mr Zuma is a master of political chess, with loads of patience and a predator’s instinct. He pounces only when he is convinced of his timing.”

Indeed, all along as Malema’s challenges to Zuma grew bolder and more disrespectful, Zuma bit his own tongue, sometimes even playing along benevolently at first. He refrained from responding to Malema’s insults in public and, by all accounts, also in private.

But, when finally the right moment came he pounced and Malema looked every bit the punch-drunk boxer outclassed by a far more experienced opponent.

In addition, President Zuma has made many other “right moves” in recent times, such as his confident state-of-the-nation address which left his opponents very little room to attack him.

He even got the left on board without actually giving anything away to them. His policies are proving to be well-considered and carefully constructed.

Zuma might just yet prove to be the first truly political leader of the ANC post the almost century long liberation struggle – completing the transition form liberation movement to political party.